114 Standard reference works on the Saljuq invasions include Claude Cahen's Pre-Ottoman Turkey (London, 1968) [Hereafter PT] plus numerous articles by the same author (bibliography PT pp. 441-50); The Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 5 (The Saljuq and Mongol Periods) J.A. Boyle, ed. (Cambridge, 1968) [SMP]. Speros Vryonis' The Decline of Medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor and the Process of Islamization from the Eleventh through the Fifteenth Century (Los Angeles, 1971) [DMH] details the impact of the Oriental invasions on the Greek population of Asia Minor. On Armenia in particular see vol. III of the History of the Armenian People [Hay zhoghovrdi patmut'yun] ( Erevan, 1976) [HAP] chapter 26 pp. 40-60 by S. V. Borhnazyan,"Hayastani nvachume seljuk-turk'eri koghmic' [The Conquest of Armenia by the Saljuq Turks]".

115 See K. N. Yuzbashyan, "Deilemity v povestvovanii Aristakesa Lastiverttsi [The Dailamites in Aristakes Lastivertc'i's Narration]", Palestinskii Sbornik [PS] #7(70) 1962 pp. 146--51; S.G. Agadzanov and K. N. Yuzbashyan, "K istorii tiurskikh nabegov na Armeniiu v XIv [Toward the History of the Turkish Raids on Armenia in the 11th Century]", PS #12 (1965) pp. 144-57, The administrative inclusion into one territorial unit of parts of Caucasian and central Armenia with the Caucasian areas of Iberia, Atrpatakan and Aghbania dates from the 6th century A.D. when this unit constituted one of four military-administrative districts in the Sasanian Persian empire. After the Arab conquest of Iran and Armenia, Caucasian Armenia and formerly Byzantine Armenia to its west remained in approximately the same association styled by the Arabs "Armeniya" despite the fact that neither Iberia to the north ("Armeniya II") nor Aghbania to the east ("Armeniya I") was ethnically Armenian. Thus "Armenia" was but a part of what Arabic authors styled "Armeniya". The two terms should not be confused. During the more than 200 years of Arab domination (ca. 650-886), Atrpatakan to the east frequently was united with Armeniya, and its occasionally dependable Muslim lords sometimes were given limited control over parts of Caucasian Armenia. As Aram Ter-Ghewondyan of Erevan has noted, the attempts of Atrpatakan's Muslim emirs to subjugate Armenia found reflection in the works of 10th century Arab geographers--such as al-Istakhri, Ibn Hawkal, and al-Mukadasi--who regarded Armenia, Arran and Atrpatakan as one province (see A. Ter-Ghewondyan, "K'ust-i Kapkoh varch'akan miavori verapruknere Xalifayut'yan zhamanak [Survivals of the Administrative Unit of Kust-i Kapkoh in theTime of the Caliphate]", Teghekagir #9 (1958) pp. 73-77. The role played by Atrpatakan/Azarbaijan bordering Caucasian Armenia on the east in the pre-Mongol period is of interest since the region's already great importance was in time enhanced further. Atrpatakan/Azarbaijan which had Islamized early, became a base of sorts for the Caliphate for controlling Caucasian Armenia, Aghbania, and Iberia. Subsequently, be it from the Kurdish Muslim Shaddadids who established control over the Aghbanian city of Ganjak/Ganja in the mid-10th century or from another branch of the same family which gained control of the city of Dwin in the mid-11th century, Armenia was under constant Muslim pressure from the east. Even before the emergence of the Saljuq Turks as a force in the area, exactly what was "Armenian" and what was "Azarbaijani" territory was not always clear. Armenia's eastern border was in a constant state of flux. The expansion or contraction of lands held there by Armenian or Azarbaijani Muslim lords was conditioned primarily by the ambition and martial prowess of a given lord or lords.

116 R. Husseinov [Husseynov], "La conquete de l'Azerbaidjan par les Seldjoucides", Bedi Karthlisa [BK] 48-49 vol. XIX-XX (1965) pp. 99-108; HAP. pp. 442-3. During the more than 200 years of Arab domination, the geographical and demographic conception of Armenia was subject to alteration in historical southern Armenia also. Southwestern Armenia especially became an area of heavy settlement by Arab tribes. Coterminously the Armenian element in the southwestern districts (the old Armenian districts of Aghjnik' and Hanjit especially) thinned. Indeed, during this period the Armenian place names themselves were replaced by Arabic ones there. Unlike the previous conquerors of Armenian lands, the Arabe left colonies and emirates behind them, which, as Dr. Ter-Ghewondyan stated, "opened the first serious crack in Greater Armenia.. The Arab emirates drove in the wedge which gradually widened to provide room not only for the Kurds, but also for the Saljuqs, the presence of whose emirates in Greater Armenia became one of the main causes for the Armenian state's failure to survive in the 12th and 13th centuries" (Aram Ter-Ghewondyan, The Arab Emirates in Bagratid Armenia, N. Garsoian, trans. (Lisbon, 1976) p. 150). Prior to the appearance of the Saljuq Turks in the 11th century, a number of emirates had existed in southern and southwestern Armenia. Among them were the Kaysite emirate, including the cities of Manazkert, Xlat' and Xnus; and the emirate of Aghjnik' or Arzn, embracing the cities of Mayyafariqin, Arzn and Balesh/Bitlis. Southern Armenia then, fairly early had become an area of foreign settlement. This tendency was to accelerate with time.

117 HAP pp. 444-60, passim; M. Canard, "La campagne armenienne du sultan Saljuqide Alp Arslan et la prise d'Ani en 1064" Revue des Etudes Armeniennes [REA], n.s. (1965) pp. 239-59; C. Cahen, "Une campagne du seldjukide Alp-Arslan en Georgie", BK 41-42 n.s. XIII-XIV (1962) pp. 17-20; R. Husseinov, "Consequences de la bataille de Mantzikert (1071) entre Alp-Arslan et Romain IV pour la transcaucasie", BK vol. XXVII (1970) pp. 93-100. Also see Toumanoff's excellent article in Congress, "Background to Mantzikert", pp. 411-26.

118 Armenian political control over much of the Armenian highlands had been reestablished during the dissolution of a powerful Arab empire beginning in the late 9th century. The Bagratid state, the most powerful of the several Armenian kingdoms which arose in the 9-l0th centuries, apparently remembered well not only the legendary glory of Armenia's ancient Arsacid kingdom, but also the more recent extensive unit of Armeniya, which had been named for Armenia, its most important part. Very much as the Muslim emirs of Atrpatakan/Azarbaijan attempted to control parts of eastern Armenia, basing their somewhat dubious claims on their occasional duties as tax collectors in the period of Arab supremacy, or on the more respectable claims of legitimacy through intermarriage with local naxarar houses, so the Bagratids attempted--with considerable success--to gain control of the non-Armenian parts of Arab Armeniya (see Ter-Ghewondyan, "Kust..." pp. 76-77). Already by the early 9th century, a branch of the Bagratid family had established itself on the Iberian throne. During the peak of Bagratid power, under king Gagik I (990-1020), that family controlled in addition to Iberia, an extensive state stretching from Basen district in the west, to near Partaw/Barda'a in Caucasian Aghbania in the east, south to Manazkert and north to Shamk'or city. In addition, that kingdom had a number of vassals such as the princedoms of Xach'en, Kogovit, Bagrevand, Gardman and the emirate of Goght'n, while other areas such as the kingdoms of Vanand and Tashir-Joraget, the Kaysite emirate and the principality of Taron were ruled by Bagratid family members and relations by marriage. Remaining areas of the Armenian highlands such as Vaspurakan in the south and Siwnik' in the east were also under Armenian rule, although their relations with the Bagratids and with each other frequently were strained and hostile. Consequently, during the 10th century, despite the fact that Armenian political power was reestablished in the heart of the Armenian highlands, and that areas with sizeable and growing non-Armenian population (such as Aghjnik'/Diyarbakr) became subject to some type of Armenian suzereignty, it would be incorrect to speak of "the Armenian state" in the 10th century. There were several Armenias at the time. On the numerous independent and semi-independent Armenian states in the 11-12th centuries see; a. Lorhi: Gh. Movsesian, "Histoire des rois Kiurikian de Lorhi", REA, VII (1927) pp.209-66; b. Siwnik': Gh. Alisan, Sisakan (Venice, 1893), T'.X. Hakobyan, Syunik'i t'agavorut'yune [The Kingdom of Siwnik' (Erevan, 1966); c. Arc'ax: M. V. Barxutareanc' Arc'ax (Baku, 1895), B. A. Ulubabyan, Xach'eni ishxanut'yune X-XVI darerum [The Princedom of Xach'en in the X-XVI Centuries] (Erevan, 1975); d. Vaspurakan and Sasun: HAP ch. 28 pp. 482-87, A.N. Ter-Ghewondyan, "Xedenekyan Arcruninere Vaspurakanum [The Xedenekean Arcrunids in Vaspurakan]" and "Sasuni T'orhnikyannere [TheT'orhnikeans of Sasun]", and V. Petoyan, "Sasuni T'orhnikyan ishxanut'yune [The T'orhnikean Princedom of Sasun]",Teghekagir #2(1955) pp. 85-96.

119 PT p. 27, pp. 32-50.

120 DMH pp. 258-85.

121 DMH pp. 155-65. Also pp. 166-67, which contain a listing of towns, villages and provinces destroyed, pillaged, enslaved, massacred or beseiged.

122 V. T'emuryan, "Hayeri artagaght'e depi gamirk' 11rd darum [The Emigration of Armenians to Cappadocia in the 11th Century]", Teghekagir #2(1955) pp. 75 -83; V.K.Iskanyan, "Arcrunyac' artagaght'i masin [On the Arcrunid Emigration]" Patma-banasirakan Handes [PBH] #3(1965) pp. 67-82. Without a doubt, prior to the Saljuq invasions of the 11th century, it was Christian Byzantium in the west which posed the greatest threat to the various Armenian kingdoms and princedoms. Indeed, it is clear not only to modern scholars, but the very contemporaries themselves recognized the fact that Byzantium's ill-conceived policies vis-a-vis the Armenian kingdoms were responsible in large measure for the success of foreign conquest and penetration of Asia Minor. Already in the mid-l0th century, Byzantium had seized the south- western Armenian district of Taron, To it were added other western Armenian districts such as Derjan, Mananaghi, Hashteank' and Paghnaturn. Although frequently governed by Bagratids appointed by Byzantium, the prefecture of Taron including the above-mentioned districts experienced Byzantine administration for over 100 years before the Saljuq conquests. Coterminous with Byzantine military pressure on parts of western and northern Armenia, the Empire attempted to induce various powerful Armenian lords to will their hereditary lands to itself in exchange for new lands elsewhere. Thus did the last king of Vaspurakan, Senek'erim Arcruni leave southern Armenia to settle in Byzantine Sebastia (1021) which was given to him "in per- petuity". Supposedly tens of thousands of.Armenians from Vaspurakan accompanied Senek'erim. By a similar route, the Empire acquired the Ani-Shirak kingdom in 1040. The last ruler of that state also received lands in Byzantine Cappadocia, and also quit Greater Armenia with thousands of his followers. The consequences of Byzantine pressure from the west were twofold. First, numerous parts of Greater Armenia were stripped of their natural military defenders, thereby facillitating Saljuq penetration. Second, various areas of Cappadocia, North Syria, Cilicia and Georgia became Armenized or re-Armenized with tens of thousands of emigrants from Greater Armenia. The pace of emigration quickened with the Saljuq invasions. See succeeding two notes. Also R.W.Thomson, "The Influence of their Environment on the Armenians in Exile in the Eleventh Century", Congress, pp. 432-38.

123 The complex history of Cilicia lies beyond the purview of this study. In the absence of any thorough modern study of that kingdom, one might consult G.G. Mikaelian, Istoriia Kilikiiskogo Armianskogo gosudarstva [History of the Cilician Armenian Government] (Erevan, 1952), or S. V. Borhnazyan, Soc'ial-tntesakan haraberut'yunnere kilikyan haykakan petut'yunum [Socio-Economic Relations in the Cilician Armenian State] (Erevan, 1973). On Mongol-Cilician relations see Galstyan's Armenian article in PBH #1(1964) and the English translation of it in the Armenian Review, vol, XXIX No. 1-113 (1976), "The First Armeno-Mongol Negotiations", pp.26-37. Political and demographic conditions on the northern border served to confuse what was "Armenian" in that area also. As Cyril Toumanoff has demonstrated [in his Studies in Christian Caucasian History (Georgetown, 1963), part V.: "The Armeno-Georgian Marchlands", pp. 437-- 99], between Armenia and Iberia from northeast to northwest stretched a series of border districts which were neither Armenian nor Georgian, but Armeno-Georgian, as their double names attest. Possessed of mixed Armenian and Georgian populations, such border districts over the centuries passed from Armenian to Georgian political control (or vice versa). Among these districts were: Tayk'/Tao, Kola/Kogh, Artani/Artahan, Javaxet'i/Jawaxk ', T'rialet 'i/T'rheghk', Ashoc'/Aboc'i, Tashir/Tashiri, Gogarene, Kolbap'or, Jorap'or and Gardman.

A very strong Armenian presence existed in Iberia at least from the Arab period on, when many Armenian families settled there. Among these were offshoots of the Amatunis, Arcrunis, Bagratids, Kamsarakans, and Mamikoneans. C. Toumanoff estimates that about 1/5th of the Georgian royal (Bagratid) and princely dynasties were of Armenian origin [C.Toumanoff, "Caucasia and Byzantium", Traditio 27(1971) p.129 n.73]. The tendency for Armenian emigration northward to Iberia accelerated with time. Concomitantly the creation of great Armeno-Georgian dynasties relfected the growing Armenian influence in Iberia.. In the immediately pre-Saljuq period, the greatest threat to Armenia in the north came not from Iberia, but from the political manoeuvrings of Byzantium. In the year 1000, upon the death of the Georgian Bagratid ruler of Tayk'/Tao, David the Curopalate, David's hereditary state of Upper Tao as well as his Armenian territories--Karin, the districts of Basen and Apahunik' with the city of Manazkert as its capital--passed to the Empire by "will". In 1021 the Byzantine emperor Basil II invaded the north and annexed the districts of Tayk'/Tao, Kola/Kogh, Artani/Artahan and Javaxet'i/Jawaxk'. Between 1041 and 1043, Byzantium attacked the city of Ani three times but was repelled each time. In 1045 through treachery, the Ani-Shirak kingdom was annexed. The same year the Pahlawunid princedom of Bjni in northeastern Armenia succumbed. Its territories had included the districts of Nig, parts of Varazhnunik', Kotayk' plus Kayean and Kaycon fortresses. In addition to Toumanoff's Studies one should consult his important articles in Traditio, especially "Caucasia and Byzantium", and in the Cambridge Medieval History, vol IV, The Byzantine Empire, part I (Cambridge, 1966) ch. XIV "Armenia and Georgia" pp. 619-24 for background. See also Appendix A of this study.

124 HAP ch. 30, "Hay gaght'avayrere merjavor Arevelk'um [Armenian Settlements in the Near East ": 1. O. X. T'op'uzyan "Mijagetk'i ev Asoriki' haykakan gaght'avayrere [Armenian Settlements in Mesopotamia and Syria]" pp. 506-515; 2. A.N. Ter-Ghewondyan, "Hayere Egiptosum [The Armenians in Egypt]", pp. 516-20; M.J. Laurent, "Byzance et Antioche sous le curopalate Philarete", REA, IX(1929) pp. 61-72.

125 PT. p. 154. In .C . Cahen's opinion, the number of Turkmen invaders/migrants throughout the 11-12th centuries remained small: "Several tens of thousands, certainly; but that they numbered several hundreds of thousands is doubtful..." PT p. 33). "It is difficult to believe that movements of peoples at that period can have involved more than a few tens of thousands of individuals in any one operation, at the most two or three hundred thousands, even though the texts give the impression of enormous masses (it should be remembered that regular armies in battle contained at the most a few thousand men)" (PT p. 143) . See also DMH p. 261 n. 718 where Vryonis has compiled figures from the sources concerning the invasions.

In the 11-12th centuries Turkish settlement in Armenia seems to have been very limited. Cahen notes that Azarbaijan to the east became and remained the ethnic base for the Turks of Asia Minor in this period (PT p. 79). Furthermore, in the early 12th century when Turkish immigration in Iran itself had become stabilized, "the Turks established in Asia Minor no longer permitted any others come among them and divide their spoils" (PT p. 90). Turkmen settlements (or perhaps "concentrations" would be more apt, since the Turkmen were nomads) were established "when and if [the Turkmen tribe] could secure a winter base after its summer raids. Until it could acquire and defend a winter base in Anatolia, the tribe usually left Asia Minor at the end of the summer raiding season. 0nce located, the tribes usually established a semianual transhumant pattern between their summer yayla in the mountains and their winter base in the plains (DMH p. 279). For a list of possible Turkmen settlements--temporary and "permanent"--cited bv 11-15th century sources see DMH p. 281 n. 791. The medieval Armenian translation of the KC, known as "Juansher", mentions Turkmen concentrations and their yaylas in northern and northwestern Armenia. Speaking of the success of Georgian king David II the Builder (1089-1125) in expelling these elements, the text reads: "In that period some 10,000 Turks raided in Trheghk' [Trialeti]. David was at Nach'armad. When he heard about them he came at night with but few troops, and in the morning, with God's aid, beat them until evening. The few survivors fled at night. Similarly, in the Tayk' country there were tens of thousands of Turkish troops which had descended into the Tayk' country. [David] went and struck them, and took their goods, and the country of Georgia filled up with good things...But while the great David was celebrating the feast of Easter at Naxedran, they brought him news that the Turks had slain Beshken in Jawaxet' and had come and encamped on the shores of the Arax. He went against them, destroying and capturing their entire army... He struck at the Turks in [their] wintering grounds of T'ughark' and filled up with booty. On the 13th of February and on the same septenary of fasting, he took Kapa city and filled up Georgia with gold and silver. On May 5th he raided Layizhk' as far as K'urdawan and Xshtalan and returned to K'art'li in wealth. The same year he went to Ashorni and beat the army of Turks until there were not left [even] mourners in their tents....Now the Turkmens ascended the mountains of Armenia in summertime and in wintertime descended to the warm meadows by the banks of the Kur river--but not without great preparation due to fear of David. However, that year they were without a care because of the king's distance. The king returned, skirting Mt. Lixt before him, and came to K'art'li. He found prepared troops in the month of March and went to Xunan and did not allow [any] of the multitude of Turks to live. He crossed to Partaw and discovered in the villages, fugitives from the Turks. He put them to the sword and returned in peace" (Juansher, p.118-20).

126 See the introduction and also ch. 3 below.

127 PT pp. 234-48.

128 0n the emirate of Ganjak to 1075 see V.Minorsky, Studies in Caucasian History (London, 1953) pp. 1-77; thereafter, SMP pp. 169-71, 176-83 passim; HAP pp. 475-79.

129 PT pp. 101-2, 126-32;SMP pp. 111-12; HAP pp. 465, 469-70, 486-91 passim.

130 H.G. T'urshyan, "Shah-i-Armenner [The Shah-i-Armens]", PBH #4 (1964) pp. 117-33; PT pp. 46, 107, 127; A.,N.Ter-Ghewondyan "Shah Armenneri amirayut'yune Xlat'um [The Emirate of the Shah Armens at Xlat']" , HAP pp. 487-90.

131 PT pp. 96-107; HAP pp. 469-70, 579-80.

132 S. V. Bornazyan, "Salduxyannere Karinum [The Saltukids in Karin]", HAP pp. 490-91; PT 106-8, 115, 118; HAP p. 492, PT. p. 127; PT pp. 108-12, 236-37, 242-44.

133 PT passim. H. Masse, "Le sultan seldjoukide Keykobad Ier et l'Armenie", REA IX(1929) pp. ll3-29.

134 H. M. Bart'ikyan, "Hayastane Byuzandakan tirapetut'yan nerk'o, 3. Kronakan k'aghakanut'yune [Armenia under Byzantine Domination, 3. The Religious Policy]" HAP pp. 435-39; H. Berberian, "Le Patriarcat armenien du sultanat de Roum",REA n.s. #3(1966), pp. 233-43.

135 On the nature of Turkish "Islam" see DMH pp. 270-73; PT p.8.

136 Throughout most of Armenia's history, the pressure to alter the country's apostolic Monophysitism had come from three directions: (1) in the west, from Orthodox Chalcedonian Byzantium; (2) in the east from Iran and Atrpatakan/Azarbaijan (first Zoroastrian, later Muslim) and (3) in the south from Muslim Syria and the Arab emirates established in southern Armenia. Over the centuries, many Armenians living in areas bordering thes three regions, or settled within these states themselves had, for reasons of expediency or conviction "apostasized". See Toumanoff's "Armenia and Georgia", passim.

137 Bart'ikyan,op. cit., DMH pp. 92-93.

138 DMH pp. 93-110.


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