162 Useful secondary sources on the Mongol invasions are SMP; B, Spuler, The Muslim World, part II, The Mongol Period (Leiden 1960) [Hereafter, Spuler]; (J.Saunders, The History of the Mongol Conquests (London, 1971);for Armenia in particular, PT; DMH; Alizade; SEPHA; HAP III, ch. 35, L. H..Babayan, Mongholakan arshavank'nere ev Hayastani nvachume [The Mongol Invasions and the Conquest of Armenia]", pp. 597-613;HAP IV (Erevan, 1972) ch. 1, L.S. Xach'ikyan, "Hayastani k'aghak'akan vichake ev soc'ial-tntesakan haraberut'yunnere XIV-XV darerum [Armenia's Political Situation and Socio~Economic Relations in the XIV-XVth Centuries]", pp. 15-47 particularly; also A.G, Galstyan's Russian article in Tataro-Mongoly v Azii i Evrope (Moscow, 1970) and the English translation of it in the Armenian Review vol. XXVII (1975), "The Conquest of Armenia by the Mongol Armies", pp. 356-76 [Hereafter CAMA]. CAMA, p. 357; HAP III p. 600.

163 SMP. pp. 309-10.

164 HAP III p. 600; Babayan is challenged by Galstyan in CAMA, pp. 357-58; The Armenian sources report the following on early Mongol activities in the Caucasus: 1. Kirakos Ganjakec'i: ":..Thus finding many people unconcerned, they [Mongols] destroyed and ruined many places. Then they secured their bags and baggage in the marshy, muddy place which lies between the cities of Bartaw and Belukan--a very safe place which they call Beghamej--and they destroyed many districts with brazen attacks", KG p. 202; 2. Vardan Arewelc'i: The initial penetration of the Caucasus is presented in chapter 84 of his History. "In 1221... foreign-looking and foreign-sounding people called Mughal and T'at'ar moved from the land of Ch'in and Mach'in and came to Gugark''s meadowlands by way of Aghbania. There were some 20,000 of them. They destroyed everything that they found alive and then quickly turned back. Now [king] Lasha pursued them with all his forces, reaching [the Mongols] by the Kotman river. He was defeated by them and saved himself by flight, with Iwane. Some prince had whipped [dissertation p. 96] the latter's horse (acer zjighn) such that Iwane lost him. However, Vahram, lord of the land, who was uninformed of the others' flight, went [pursuing the Mongols] as far as Gardman, displaying great bravery in the face of severe destruction" ;VA p. 142; 3. Grigor Aknerc'i: Aknerc'i's information on the initial penetration is found in chapter 3 of his History and immediately follows his hazy reference to Jalal al-Din: "Together with all of this, they once more took a command from their khan, who was called Ch'ankez khan. And they attacked the land of the Aghbanians and Georgians.

"When the king of the Georgians heard about the coming of the Tat'ars he went against them with 60,000 cavalry to the great plain called Kotman, located before Terunakan fortress. When the battle was joined, through the influence of satan, the enemy of truth, Hamidawla, the lord of Manasa stable, because of some grudge, hamstrung the horse of At'abak Iwvane. For at that time Lasha, king of Georgia, had died leaving a son named Dawit' and a daughter Rusudan (Urhuzuk'an). Dawit' had fallen into the hands of the sultan of Rum and was in prison. His sister Rusudan held the kingdom under the supervision of Iwvane, called the At'abak.

"Now as was said above, when the news of the coming of the Tat'ars was learned, Iwvane took the cavalry of the Georgian kingdom and came to Gag, to the great and wise prince Varham, son of Plu Zak'are. Taking him with his own army he went against the Tat'ars. The rnighty and great prince Varham took the right wing and Iwvane the left. But when they attacked each other the accursed Hamidawla worked this crime which was described.

"When the Nation of the Archers saw such dissension amongst them, they grew stronger and attacked the Georgian cavalry, mercilessly killing them.

"However the great prince Varham, lord of Gag, who had taken [command] of the [army's] right wing went on until evening, mercilessly attacking and killing the Tat'ars until the plain of Sagam was generally filled with slain Tat'ars. When Varham, prince of Gag, heard of the destruction of the forces of the kingdom, sorrowing greatly, he left off warring and returned to his secure fortress called K'arherj. This took place in the year 663 of the Armenian Era (=1215)", GA, pp. 292,294; 4. Step'annos Orbelean: After describing the 7 years of famine and clamities occasioned by Jalal al-Din, Step'annos wrote: "Now after 11 years, the Lord raised up out of the East the Nation of the Archers or Mughals, also vulgarly known as T'at'ars, from the land of Ch'in and Mach'in, from beyond Xat'astan... Now the third division [of the Mongol army] passed straight through the land [of Persia], crossing the great Jahan river which they themselves call the Amu Mawra. And moving about like a storm, they reached our land, generally subjecting every place... The first to come to [this] land were Ch'awrman, Ch'aghatay, Aslan, Asawur and Ghagha khan.

They took the land in 1237 (685 A. E.)", SO pp. 146-48. In other words, as far as Step'annos cares to relate, the [dissertation p. 97] first penetration of the Mongols was linked with the immediate submission of the Orbeleans; 5. The confused account in the History of Kart'li associates the appearance of the Mongols in Caucasia with the hunt for Jalal al-Din, but the chronology is impossible. Chingiz-Khan sent princes Yamay and Salpian with 12,000 soldiers having no arms or food, no swords, and only [bows and] arrows.

"They traversed T'uran, Jeon, Xorasan, Eragh [lraq] , Atrpatakan, and reached Ganjak. No one opposed them, but if [resisters] appeared anywhere, they defeated all of them. Having reached the borders of Georgia they began ravaging the Gag country. Vahram[Varham] Gageli and atabek Ivane learned about this and informed king Lasha about foreign tribes speaking an unknown language who had come to ruin Somxit'i. The king summoned his army, Imerc'is and Amerc'is, gathered a force of 90,000 and sent them to that border of Gag where the Tatars were. From there a large force joined them comprising atabek Ivane and his brother's son Shahnshah [Shanshe] and the msaxurt'-uxuc'es Vahram of Gag, and they went on".

The Tatars were encamped on the banks of the Berduj/Sagin river. They defeated the Georgians who fled. "The Tatars reached as far as Shamshvilde and turned back from there working such amazing deeds. The went by the Darband road [and], because neither the Shirvanshah nor the people of Darband resisted them, they passed through the Gate of Darband and entered the Qipchaqs' country. These they forced to fight, and many times the Qipchaqs battled but the Tatars were always victorious. And so they went on, fight ing .

"Thus as I said, [the Mongols] unarmed and with unshod horses, traversing such a road crossed Qipchaq, circumlocuted the Darband Sea and reached their ruler Chingiz-Khan in Qara-Qorum. This extraordinary feat was accomplished without stopping, crossing all the roads with unshod horses. Those who had come from Qara-Qorum returned there. When Chingiz-Khan learned that the Tatars had been victorious everywhere, he sent his sons to find sultan Jalal al-Din of Xorasan" , KC pp. 166-67;Muradyan [Mur.], pp. 55-56.

165 HAP III p. 600; Ibn al-Athir [JA 14(1849)] pp. 447-52.

166 HAP III p. 601; Ibn al-Athir pp. 452-53.

167 CAMA pp. 358-59; HAP III p. 602; Ibn al-Athir pp. 453-55; According to Kirakos, the king assembled an even larger army and "wanted to battle the enemy. But the T'at'ars collected their wives, children, and all their bags and baggage, and desired to pass to their own land through the Darband Gate. Now the Tachik troops who were in Darband did not allow them to enter. So the T'at'ars crossed the Caucasus mountains at an impassable spot, filling the abyss with wood and stones, their goods, horses and military equipment and thus crossed over and went to their own land. The name of their leader was Sabada Bahatur", KG p. 203. Vardan: "In 1223 those same [Mongols] wanted to depart. Furthermore, their ambassadors had found Armenia and Georgia [militarily] ready and assembled, and they so reported (tareal zhambawm). [Thus] they did not dare come and instead turned and went away", VA p. 142.

168 J. J. Saunders, op.cit., p. 59.

169 HAP III p. 602; SEPHA p. 93; Ibn al-Athir pp. 463-67; Kirakos' information is found in his chapter 12: "Afterwards when some time had passed, another force of Huns called Xbch'axs came through Georgia to king Lasha and to the hazarapet Iwane so that these two might give them a place to dwell and [in exchange] they would serve them loyally. However they did not agree to accept the Qipchaqs.

"So the Qipchaqs arose and went to the residents of the city of Ganjak where they were joyously received, since the people there had been placed in great straits by the Georgian army, which ruined their lands and enslaved man and beast. The Ganjakec'is gave the Huns an area to reside, located within the confines of the city and they aided them with food and drink so that with their help the citizens might resist the Georgian kingdom. The Hun army halted there and settled", KG p. 204. Vardan: "...And in the same year [1223] a large army of Huns called Qipchaqs (Xwch'agh) came to Ganjak and united with them [i.e., with the people of Ganjak]. And because our forces went against them carelessly and in surety, they were dispersed, separated, and fled. Many were killed by the sword, while others were taken alive and put into prison--some from among the glorious azats included. Among the prisoners were the prince called Grigor son of Xaghbak and his nephew (brother's son) the manly and valliant champion named Papak'. They were avenged the next year when our forces wiped out a large part of the Qipchaqs when the latter came to the land of Vardanashat",VA pp. 142-43.

170 Ibn al-Athir, pp. 468-69; Kirakos: "Then Iwane mustered troops and arrogantly went against them. He boasted greatly that he would exterminate them and the city ae well, placing his trust in the multitude of his soldiers and not in God Who gives the victory to whomever He pleases. When the two groups clashed, the barbarians calmly emerged from their lairs and put to the sword the wearied and [God-]forsaken Georgian army. They arrested many and put the remainder to flight. There was, that day a great destruction of the Christian troops. So many were abandoned by the protection of God that one poor [fighting] man was able to capture many brave and experienced warriors, like a shepherd leading his flock before him. For God had removed His aid from their swords and did not succor them in battle. The Qipchaqs brought the honorable men [of the captives] and sold them for some clothing or food. Persians bought them and tormented them with impossible tortures, demanding such quantities of gold and silver that it was impossible to pay. And many died there in jail.

"The Qipchaqs seized, among others, Grigor, son of Haghbak, brother of brave Vasak and his brother's son Papak', for Vasak had three sons...But after some days had elapsed, the great hazarapet Iwane once again mustered troops and went to wreak vengeance on those who had destroyed his soldiers. He attacked them at an unexpected hour and put the barbarians to the sword. He captured their booty and enslaved their children, taking both to his land", KG pp. 204-6.

171 Ibn al-Athir p. 470; KG pp. 206-7.

172 PT pp. 49, 128; SEPHA pp 94-99; CAMA pp. 359-60.

173 SMP p. 330.

174 HAP III p. 604; DMH p. 133 notes the general increase of nomadic elements in Asia Minor as a result of Jalal al-Din·s flight.

175 SMP p. 327; Kirakos' account is fairly extensive,and includes one date, 1225/26 (674 A.E) in the heading for ch. 18 of his History: "18. Concerning Sultan Jalaladin and the Destruction of the Georgian Army in 674 A. E." KG states that Jalaladin, sultan of Xorasan (Khwarazm) as a result of the Mongol attack on his lands fled "through the land of Aghbania and he came and captured the city of Ganjak. He then assembled his countless troops from among the Persians, Tachiks and Turks and came to Armenia". Iwane learned of Jalal's arrival, informed the ruler of Georgia, and massed the army, boasting that if he defeated Jalal al-Din he would force all the Armenians under Georgia's domination "to convert to the Georgians' religion [to Chalcedonian Orthodoxy], while they would kill those resisting". KG attributes the Caucasian defeat to this blasphemous arrogance.

Meanwhile Jalal al-Din had come to Kotayk'. The Georgian arm camped nearby and observed that the Khwarazmians were unaware of this. "Now as soon as this was observed by one of the senior Georgian princes, Shalue and by his brother Iwane, men brave and renowned and triumphant in battle, they said to the other troops: 'You stay in one place while we shall go and engage them, If we turn some of them in our pursuit, the victory is ours. Do you then spring out. But if they defeat us, then do you flee and save your lives'.

"As soon as they engaged them they began to destroy the sultan's army. But the Georgian soldiers paid no attention and instead fled the place...". fleeing unpursued as far as Garhni. Then the sultan's army followed, killing and throwing soldiers over cliffs.

"Sultan Jalal al-Din came to the head of the valley and saw a pitiful sight. For a multitude of men and horses lay there piled up like a heap of rocks. He shook his head and [103]said: 'This is not the work of man but of God for whom all is possible'. He then turned to rob the corpses of the fallen, and having ruined many places, went off to the city of Tiflis(Tp'xis)", KG pp. 224-25.

Vardan Arewelc'i's information is found in ch. 85 of his History. The account differs in detail from what is found in the other Armenian sources: "Now toward the end of 1225/26, two sons of the Xorazmshah, defeated and harassed by the T'at ars came in a body of 200,000 so they say, through the land of Azarbaijan (Adlparakan) to Ostan in Armenia. This they took and filled the plain with wide tents. Our forces went against [the Khwarazmians] and not a few from our side were lost, both by the town of Garhni and, a larger group. which fell over ditches into chasms. This was God's wrath upon Iwane in recompense for the new and alien evils worked by his wife, for when the presbyter Parkesht died, she had his body removed from the grave and burned. Then a dog was sacrificed on the place...". Jalal al-Din meanwhile, after conquering many places returned to Tabriz. A year later he went to Tiflis by way of the plains of Gag. VA p. 143.

Step'annos Orbelean's account is briefer than Kirakos' and provides some additional detail. Step'annos notes Jalal's destructive movement from Atrpatakan to the Araratean district where he encamped. When atabek Iwane went to fight him, the account here becomes somewhat different. According to Step'annos, Shalue and his brother Grigor observed how sparse the Khwarazmian army was and signalled the Caucasian troops to attack. However, God altered the response so that it sounded like "flee". The fleeing army crossed over some loose ground near Garhni which gave way, and the mass fell into the ravine. "But atabek Iwane got away with 10 men and fled into the fortress Geghe.

"As for Liparit [Orbelean], he found some byway and went home with all his men, praising the Lord [for his deliverance]. This transpired in the year 1225/26 (674 A. E.). Now after this the whole land became sullied through unbelievalbe disasters and various [calamitous] events; for the Khwarazmians, finding the land without a master, merciIessly killed and enslaved and set on fire all the homes and dwellings in the cities, villages, and monasteries; they also burned all the crops and cut down the vineyards and trees, as a result of which a severe famine ensued everywhere". A plague followed and wolves, which had grown accustomed to human carrion now began attacking the living. "And this calamity lasted in the land for 7 years", SO p. 146. Step'annos does not narrate the fate of Jalal'al-Din, and seems unaware (or takes it for granted) that the Mongols first came to the Caucasus in pursuit of him.

Het'um the Historian relates nothing about the episode of Jalal. This is interesting since ch. 4 of his History of the Tatars is devoted to a description of Khwarazmia which recounts the country's borders, chief city, [104] and religion. Grigor Aknerc'i too does not know about Jalal, unless, with Dr. Blake, we take the following passage to be a reference to him: "Now when this strange people [the Mongols] learned that it was the will of God [for them] to rule over us on the earth, they mustered troops and went against the Persians. And they took from them a small city. Then the Persians grew strong and took back their own and some of theirs [the Mongols' land]. Thereafter they sent out a call to wherever the Nation of the Archers--their own people--dwelled. Once more they attacked Persia, conquered them and seized their city and all their goods", GA pp. 290,292.

By far the most extensive account of the exploits of Jalal al-Din is found in the KC. Leaving aside those portions not relevant to the Caucasus, we encounter Jalal and some 140,000 foilowers near Dwin in Armenia: "[Then] they reached the Mxargrceli country, for Dwin belonged to atabek Iwane, while Ani had been given to his brother's son Shahnsah, the mandat'urt'-uxuc'es. The Khwarazmians came in the third year of Lasha-Georgi's death, to enslave and wreck Dwin and the surrounding countries". Iwane and Vahram of Gag informed Rusudan about the arrival of the foreigners, and an army was sent.

There was some enmity between Iwane and the two Axalc'xec'i brothers, Shalva and Iwane. During the first encounter with Jalal, atabek Iwane injured his foot [the author attributes this to enmity]. This encounter took place near Garhni. Thereafter Iwane refused to participate in further combats. Apparently under his control were parts of the royal army which he also forbade to fight. However, the T'orelis and the two brothers did do battle with Jalal. Shalva is captured and the Georgians flee. His brother Iwane died while hiding in the mountains of Garhni. Shalva was killed after a year, for not apostasizing. Atabek Iwane returned to Bjni while Jalal went to Azarbaijan and Naxijewan whence he raided Georgia. Two years Iater, Iwane died and his son Awag was made amirspasalar.

"[Jalal al-Din] went and destroyed the whole country of Dwin, the k'ust of Dwin, all of Ani, Somxit 'i, Gag as far as Ganja, Shamk'or. To that time, Samk'or and the neighboring countries belonged to Vahram of Gag...".

Sultan Jalal al-Din learned that the atabek and spasalar Awag was at Bjni and he urged Awag to get queen Rusudan to consent to be his wife. Awag relayed the proposal to Rusudan, who refused it. The jilted sultan headed for Tiflis, destroying Somxit'i enroute (KC pp. 169-73; Mur. pp. 59-63).

176 SMP p. 328; Abu'l Fida (Nalb. trans., p. 230); Kirakos notes that Jalal al-Din took Tiflis with the complicity of the resident Persians and killed those who refused to convert to Islam. He describes the forced circumcisions and the destruction of crosses and churches. "This occurred not only in Tiflis, but in Ganjak, Naxijewan and elsewhere" (KG p. 226). The gruesome account in Georgian, with many additional details and amplificatione is found in KC pp. 64-65.

177 SMP p. 329; ~ III p. 605; Abu'1 Fida (Nalb~ p. 231); BH describes Jalal's seige and capture of Xlat' and Van in 1229 (BH pp. 394-95); see also SA p. 149; Yov. Yish., #388 pp. 845-46, #392 p. 857, #395 p.862, #400 p.871; CIA v.I p.18. The KC provides information not found elsewhere: "After so destroying Tiflis, they began laying waste, enslaving, exterminating, and destroying Somxit'i and Kambech'ian, the borders of Iori, K'art'li and Trialeti, Javaxet'i, Artahan, and parts of Tao and Samc'xe, the lands around Karnip'or and Ani. This chastisement and providential wrath continued for five years. For two years in the beginning [the Khwarazmians] destroyed the country, then for five years they remained in the city and destroyed the above-mentioned countries. Excepting fasts and fortresses, there were no other structures [left standing in the land]". KC pp. 178-79;Mur. pp. 66-67. Eventually Jalal learned that the Mongols were approaching, so he left Tiflis for Azarbaijan, meanwhile urging the sultan of Xlat' the Caliph, and the sultan of Iraq to help him resist the enemy. They declined. "...guessing that his army and that of Atrpatakan would be unable to withstand, [Jalal al-Din] quit Atrpatakan and again went as the fugitive to Tiflis", KC p. 182; Mur. P. 70. Rusudan summoned her army, opened the Darial Gates enabling northerners (probably Qipchaq Turks) to pour into Georgia, and sent this motley group against Jalal, who was encamped in Bolnisi valley, Somxit'i. These royal troops were put to flight by the sultan who then went on to Tiflis, destroying", KC pp. 182-83; Mur. p.70.

178 PT pp. 129-30; HAP III p. 605; Abu'l-Fida (Nalb. pp. 233-24); Ibn Bibi pp. 154-74; Yov.Yish., appendix, #11 pp. 1031-32; VT p. 75. KG's information is found in ch. 19 of his History, "Concerning the Destruction of Sultan Jalal al-Din and His Death". According to this source, after Jalal had defeated the ruler of Xlat', Malik-Ashraf, he married the latter's wife, T'amt'a, who was the daughter of Iwane. As Jalal went on to ruin other districts under the sway of 'Ala al-Din, sultan of Rum, the latter mustered a mixed army including Egyptians, Cilician Armenians and Franks. Supposedly, although there were less than a thousand Cilician Armenians and Franks, it was due to their valour that Jalal al-Din's army was routed, KG pp. 228-29.

"Now sultan Jalal al-Din returned to the land of Aghbania to the fruitful and fertile Mughan plain, in great shame. He encamped there and wanted to assemble an army. However the T'at'ars who had expelled him from his own country as a fugitive pursued him and chased him as far as Amit' (Amida), where they ferociously struck his forces. The impious prince died in that very battle. But some say he went on foot thence as a fugitive, and that a man chanced upon him and recognized him as the one who had earlier slain one of his relations, and so killed him to avenge his relative's blood. Thus did the evil one die, wickedly". KG p. 230.

179 SMP p. 335; KG pp. 229-30 (see note 1 above); VA: "After committing many crimes, he turned upon Xlat', took it, and enriched with booty went to Rum against sultan 'Ala al-Din and Malik-Ashraf. However he suffered a great defeat in battle and fled with a few [followersj to Mughan, that plain so suited for all human and animal needs. Then the T'at'ars--who had thrown him out of his country earlier--fell upon him suddenly and thence put him to flight to Amida. Either he died inadvertently while fleeing, or he fell to the T'at'ar sword, or else, as is said, one of[Jalal's] own people whose relation had been killed summarily was disgruntled on this account and also because of the uncomfortable movings about of [the army] which he had caused. And so vengeance was exacted for the blood of the innocent that had been spilled" (VA pp. 143-44).

The KC: "Hearing this [news of the capture of Ganjak by the Mongols], the sultan hurriedly arose with his family and fled to Rum. Meanwhile the Tatars were pursuing him and reached Basen. As soon as [the Khwarazmian army] saw the coming of [the Mongols], they scattered. The sultan even was left alone. He reached some insignificant village and fell asleep under the trees. By chance, someone saw him and killed him. The sultan's belt, saddle and quiver were adorned with great gems for which that lofty and renowned ruler was slain....When the Khwarazmians dispersed, many fled to Garmian while sultan Jalal al-Din was killed. With this, the great kingdom essentially was ended" (KC p. 185; Mur. pp. 71-72). Abu'l-Fida (Nalb. pp. 233-34) claims that the murderers were Kurdish brigands.

180 SO p. 146; Ibn Bibi describes the problems caused by the lingering Khwarazmian troops to the settled Saljuq rulers (pp. 178-84). He mentions an invasion by the sultan of Egypt in 1232 which was aided by the malik of Xarberd (pp.184-190). The leaderless, dispersed Khwarazmians served as mercenaries in the armies of different rulers (pp. 220-22). According to BH, some 10,000 Khwarazmians were settled by 'Ala' al-Din, but he does not say where (BH p. 397).

BH speaks of the Mongols invading the Xarberd area of southern Armenia around 1230. These were most likely detachments returning from the pursuit of Jalal al-Din: "Then a legion of the Tatars invaded the country of the fortress of Zaid [Xarberd] and it came on as far as the Euphrates, which is in Melitene, and it crossed the plain of Hanazit. And because the whole population through their terror had fled to the places and towns which were disaffected and the fortresses, there was not much destruction. And those Tatars went back and ruled over Adhorbijan and Shaharzur, and they subjugated the Iberians also" (BH 396~97). Ibn Bibi (pp. 175-78) speaks of Mongols raiding as far as Sebastia/Sivas in 1230.

In the period from 1230 to the reappearance of the Mongols in western Armenia, the situation there was hardly stable. BH records that the fortress-cities of Xarberd and Xlat' constantly were passing back and forth among Muslim rivals (BH pp. 400-401). In the early 1230's we see Armenians and Georgians fighting in the armies of the Saljuq sultan in Palestine (BH p. 400). The same author records a famine in western Armenia around 1234 (BH p. 401). In the late 1230's, Khwarazmian remnants still were powerful enough to give sultan Ghiyath al-Din problems, ravaging Samosata and Xarberd (BH p. 403;VT p. 77); Armenian colophons also speak of Mongol raids in western Armenia prior to 1236. See Yov.Yish., #403 p. 878, #405 pp. 882-83.

181 HAP III pp. 606-607; SEPHA p. 103; CAMA p. 360; Kirakos' History contains considerable information on the conquest of parts of Caucasia prior to the submission of certain princes. After noting the establishment of the Mongols in Mughan, he commences in ch . 21 with an account of the capture and destruction of Ganjak, a city then densely settled with Muslim Persians:

"Immediately the T'at'ar army arrived and beseiged Ganjak on all sides, battling it with numerous war machines. They struck the orchard which surrounded the city. Then they demolished the city wall using catapults on all sides. [diss. P. 109] [109] However, none of the enemy entered the city. They simply remained there, fully armed, for a week guarding it" (KG p. 236). Many of the residents then burned down their houses and killed themselves. "When the enemy observed this, they became furious and put everyone to the sword: man, woman, and child. And no one escaped them but for a small brigade, armed and fully prepared which broke through one part of the wall at night and fled. Some few dregs were also spared and tortured to reveal where the treasures were kept. Then they killed some of them and took the rest captive. They then dug through the charred homes and removed whatever/whomever they found there. And they were occupied with this for many days, and then departed.

"The T'at'ars then circulated through all the districts around the city to dig up and hunt for goods and wares. They discovered many things made of gold, silver, copper, and iron, as well as various garments which had been hidden in cellars and subterranean chambers.

'" And so the city remained desolate for four years. They then commanded that it be rebuilt, and a few people slowly assembed there and rebuilt it, except for the wall.

Ch. 22. Concerning the Destruction of the Lands of Armenia and Georgia by the Same Army. "A few years after the destruction of Ganjak this fanatical and wily army divided up by lot all the lands of Armenia, Georgia, and Aghbania, each chief according to his importance receiving cities, districts, lands and fortresses in order to take, demolish and ruin them. And each went to his allotted area with his wives, sons and army baggage, where he remained without a care, polluting and eating all the green plants with camels and livestock" (KG pp. 236-37). Kirakos then notes that Georgia was in a weakened condition as a result of the misrule of Rusudan whom he characterizes as a lascivious woman. "Rusudan exercised the authority through the ' comrnanders Iwane and his son Awag;Shahnshah, son of Zak are; Vahram [of Gag] and others". Iwane died and his position was taken by Awag. "And since they were unable to withstand that great blizzard [of Mongols] which had come, they all betook themselves to fortresses, wherever they were able. The Mongols spread throughout the plains, mountains, and valleys like a multitude of locusts or like torrential rains pouring down on the land" (KG pp. 237-38).

182 CAMA p. 361.

183 HAP III pp. 607-609; SEPHA pp. 104-105; 107-108; CAMA pp. 361--63; KG pp. 239-50; VA p. 145; GA pp. 294,296; KC 186-87, Mur. pp. 72-73. For translations of these passages see the notes to ch. 3.

184 HAP III p. 610; SEPHA p. 107; CAMA p. 362; Yov.Yish., pp. 909-911, #416 p. 917; #422 p. 936; KG: The submission of a few eastern Armenian princes did not bring a halt to the Mongols' conquering activity. Chormaghun took Awag and his troops and marched against Ani. First he sent envoys telling the people to surrender. "Those who were the principals of the city did not dare respond to [Chormaghun's] message without asking prince Shahnshah, since the city was under his authority. Now the mob in the city with the rhamiks (rabble) killed Chormaghun's delegation". Chormaghun battled with seige machinery and took the city, generally killing the population "sparing only a few women and children and some artisans whom they led into captivity, Then they entered the city, took all the goods and possessions, looted all the churches, ruined and destroyed the whole city and corrupted the glory of its comeliness"(KG p. 258).

In ch. 28 Kirakos describes the sack of Kars. Kars surrendered its keys, "but because the T'at'ars were anxious for booty and feared no one, they did there the same as they had done in Ani...

"The same army also took the city of Surb Mari [Surmalu] which several years earlier Shahnshah and Awag had taken from the Taciks. And while [the inhabitants] were yet licking their wounds, suddenly a certain one of the nobles named Ghara Bahatur came upon them with many troops and quickly took the city, ravishing all that he found in it" (KG p. 260).

185 HAP III p. 610; SEPHA p. 107.

186 See pp. 63-64 above.

187 HAP III p. 611; SEPHA p. 109; PT p. 137; Ibn Bibi describes how the rulers of Xlat' and Erzerum were arguing over money for hiring mercenaries to defend themselves (Ibn Bibi pp. 222-37); BH describes the taking of Erzerum p. 406). During 1242 the Mongols looted as far south as Xarberd (BH pp. 406-407), KG: "As soon as Baiju assumed authority he forthwith mustered troops from all the peoples under his domination and went to that part of Armenia under the domination of the sultan of Rum". He beseiged Karin and invited the city to surrender. Receiving a negative reply, Baiju broke down the walls with seige machinery and destroyed the city. "And at that time the city was very heavily populated being filled not only with Christians and Tachiks, but all the people from the whole district had assembled there [for protection].

"In the city were countless holy gospels [belonging to] the great and the small. The foreigners took these and sold the expensive ones to the Christians in their army cheaply. In glee they spread through each district, dividing up the churches and monasteries. May Christ reward the Christian princes Awag, Shahnshah, Vahram's son Aghbugha, pious Dop's son Grigor Xach'enc'i, and their troops. For these princes bought out of slavery as many men, women, and children, bishops, priest and deacons as was possible" (KG pp. 279-80); GA pp. 307, 309.

188 See A.G. Galstyan's Armenian article in PBH #1(1964) and the English translation of it "The First Armeno-Mongol Negotiations" in the Armenian Review vol. XXIX (1976) pp. 26-37 [Hereafter FAMN] pp. 27-29; SEPHA pp. 110-11. BH p. 407 describes the battle of Chmankatuk, as does Abu'l-Fida (Nalb. p. 234). Ibn Bibi describes the defeat, and the subsequent "unfriendliness" of the Cilician Armenians in surrendering the sultan's refugee mother to the Mongols (Ibn Bibi pp. 222-37).

KG: "The sultan had left his usual place and had come to that part of Armenia which was under his domination, hard by a village called Ch'man-katuk.

"General Baiju, consistent with his deep knowledge, divided his soldiers into many fronts, putting foremost those under the brave conimanders while the foreign troops composed of various nationalities who had come with them he divided so that they would not work any treachery" (KG p. 282); Vardan Arewelc'i's account of the taking of western Armenia is quite brief, mentioning neither the Armeno-Georgian auxiliaries nor the tactics used in battle: "88. Now in the year 1243 Baiju-noyin replaced the authority of Chormaghun and took the city of Karin, taking thence Umek, a man venerable, wealthy (mecatun) and fearful of the Lord, as well as his relations, the sons of paron Yohann, Step'annos and his five brothers. In 1244 Baiju conquered the whole territory of Rum and the notable cities, first Caesarea, then Sebastia [whose people] were spared destruction since they had submitted early, then Erznka which was mercilessly destroyed and enslaved, for it had resisted. [The Mongols also took] many lands and districts where especially the Armenian people [were to] dwell in distress" (VA p. 147).

GA: "The commander of the army was Baiju-noyin, a man successful in battle, achieving many victories wherever he met resisters. But the causes of victory were the Armenian and Georgian princes who were in the front lines and launched themselves with a mighty blow against the enemy. Then, after them, came the T'at'ars, with bow and arrow". Georgians were not only fighting on the Mongols' side. Aknerc'i notes that the son of Shalue, who had been with the sultan of Rum for a long time, fought in the sultan's army. "When the battle waxed fierce, the courageous and renowned son of Shalue put to flight the T'at'ars and killed many of them". Aknerc'i also praises the fighting ability of Aghbugha, son of Vahram, grandson of Plu Zak'are, fighting on the Mongols' side. At nightfall [diss. p.114] the battle of Chmankatuk ended. The next morning the Mongols discovered that Ghiyath al-Din had fled GA pp. 307-309).

Het'um's unusual account of the taking of eastern Asia Minor shows numerous marks of a writer not well acquainted with the details. In ch. 18, "Regarding Ogedei, Second Khan of the Tatars" he recounts a number of Mongol battles with "the Turks", but Het'um appears to have merged Jalal al-Din with the sultan of Rum. After 10,000 Mongols were put to flight by the Turks, Ogedei sent general Baiju (Payton) "with 30,000 Tatar soldiers called damak or reconnaissance troops...Now when Baiju with the 30,000 soldiers reached the kingdom of the Turks, travelling day by day, he learned that the sultan from whom the first Tatars had fled had died, and that his son named K'iadati (?Ghiyath ) had suceeeded him. When the former heard about the coming of the Tatars he was horrified and summoned as many mercenary troops as he could from foreigners and from the Latins. He had in his service among others, 2,000 Latins led by two commanders named Yohanes Liminad from Cyprus, and the other, Vonipakios born in Genoa. [The Turkish sultan] also sent to neighboring sultans promising anyone who came favors and gifts. And thus gathering a great multitude of warriors, he went to the place where the Tatars were encamped. However the Tatars were in no way disturbed. Instead they valliantly waged war as far as Konsedrak. In the end the Tatars were the victors and the Turks were defeated in a masterly fashion. In this way the Tatars captured the kingdom of the Turks in the year of 0ur Lord 1244 (Het'um pp. 40-41).

The KC relates the conquest of western Armenia and the sending to the Mongols by Rusudan of her son David as events occurring simultaneously. Queen Rusudan sent as messengers to the Mongols Shahnsah, Awag, Vahram, and the erist'av (duke) of Heret'i, Shota, "while the queen was sending her son [to the Mongols], they had decided to campaign against the great sultan Ghiyath al-Din, by origin a Saljuq, master of Rum, to subjugate him. They sent Baiju-noyin who took with him the very greatest princes of Georgia. When they reached the countries of Sebastia and Erznka, they started to loot". The sultan approached the Mongols with an army of 400,000 (!) commanded by two Georgians, "Sharvarshis-je of Abxazia called Dard who had great renown from the very first for his bravery and had remained firm in the faith; and with him was P'ardavlay son of Shalva Axalc'ixeli-T'oreli, who had fled to the sultan and was a brave man renowned in warfare" (KC pp. 191-92; Mur. pp. 76-77). The KC then describes the boasting of Mongol subject Sargis Jaghel, Ghvarghvare's grandson before Baiju. The Georgians were all appointed as advance-attackers. "Now the Georgians fought better and more bravely than any. A fierce battle ensued and countless men were killed on the sultan's side, including Sharvarshis-je called Dard Abxaz, their general. The sultan's army took to flight and the Tatars and Georgians pursued, killing numberless warriors and taking captives, But Axalc'ixel was killed by the sultan for revenge against the Georgians...The Georgians and Tatars swelled up with all sorts of extraordinary cloths and clothing, and so many horses, asses and camels that it is impossible to count them" (KC p. 194; Mur. p. 78).

189 HAP III p. 611; SEPHA p.110; PT p. 138; BH described the taking of Sebastia/Sivas: "And they came to Sebastia, and the people who were therein made terms with them, and they brought out much gold and bought their own souls from slaughter, and their sons and daughters from slavery. And the Tatars went into the city, and sacked the royal treasuries, and whatsoever pleased them they took, and the weapons of war they burned, and they wrecked four (or forty) cubits of the [top of the] wall all round the city.

"And another chief went to Caesarea, and the inhabitants thereof did not wish to surrender it. Then they all gathered together against it, and they breached its wall with engines of war, and they went in, and sacked the royal treasuries, and burned the wonderful houses and buildings. And they tortured the nobles and the free men, and they stabbed them with swords until they had stripped them of all their money. And after that they killed therein many tens of thousands of people, and carried off the young men and the young women into captivity" (BH p. 407). The same author provides unique information on the taking of Melitene/Malatya (BH pp. 408-409) See also Ibn Bibi (pp. 222-37), Yov. Yish., #436 pp. 959-60; #437 p. 961; VT p. 84.

KG pp. 282-84: GA: "And then the next day [after Chmankatuk] filled with great joy, they attacked the land of Rum. First they took Erznka and left shahna (guards). Then they took Caesarea and wrought much bloodshed in it because the town did not surrender, but resisted the Tatars in battle. For there was much cavalry stationed in it, and it was filled with goods. They did not surrender the town willingly, so the wily Tat'ar army took it by treachery, generally killing off the grandees and, mercilessly did they capture the lesser folk with all their goods. Once more they took Konya and Axshar with all the greatest villages and monasteries. Then they attacked Sewast and took it, warring. But they did not kill them, rather they took their goods as booty" (GA pp. 307-309).

190 HAP III p. 612; SEPHA p. 111; KG pp. 292-93.

191 See following page, note 192.

192 HAP III ch. 36 pp. 614-27 L. H. Babayan, "Hayastane mongholakan tirapetut'yan arhajin shrjanum [Armenia in the first Period of the Mongol Domination]", p. 617; SEPHA pp. 119-26; Kirakos has a number of valuable remarks about early Mongol administrative-fiscal policies in Armenia and Georgia prior to Arghun's census of 1243/44. When speaking about the battle for certain eastern Armenian fortresses in 1236, he says: "Meanwhile the army of foreigners battled with the fortresses. Those inside them unwillingly provided the Mongols with horses, livestock and whatever else they demanded. The Mongols placed taxes over them and left them in their name" (KG p. 243). Ch. 24 describes the capture of Vanakan vardapet and his student, the author himself. When the Mongols were beseiging the cave where Vanakan was holed up. the following message was relayed: "From outside the enemies shouted: 'Why do you want to die? Come out to us, we shall give you overseers and leave you in your places'. They repeated this a second and third time, with pledges" (KG p. 244). Upon the conclusion of Molar-noyin's interview with Vanakan "Molar-noyin ordered him to bring down the people of the fortress there fearlessly and he promised that each would be left in his place with his overseers and that he would build villages and fields (agaraks) in his name" (KG p. 246), Some of the captives, however, such as Kirakos and Vanakan, were not "left in their places" : "...Then they selected men from among us who could go about with them. The rest they ordered taken to the monastery and to the village and left their overseers there so that no one else would search them" (KG p. 248). That same year (1236) the Mongols took Lorhi whose prince, Shahnshah had fled: "They discovered the treasures of prince Shahnshah which those obedient to him had taken and robbed, and the T'at'ars constructed there a sturdy treasury which no one could see, since they made the mouth of the pit narrow enough that it was sufficient only for casting treasure in, but not for taking anything out" (KG p. 253). "...Then they came to Sebastia and since the inhabitants of the city had surrendered in advance--coming out to them with gifts and presents--no one was blamed, although a part of the city was looted. Conquering the city in their own name they set up overseers and left" (KG p. 283). VA and SO have nothing to say on this topic.

Grigor Aknerc'i's first mention of an administrative deed [diss. p. 118] follows the agreement of the princes to pay the mal and tagar taxes and to contribute soldiers to the army: "The Tat'ars, agreeing to this, left off killing and destroying the land. They then returned to their place, the Mughan country. However, they left a chief named Ghara Bugha to demolish all the country's fortresses which they had taken. They destroyed to the foundations the impregnable fortresses built by the Taciks at great cost" (GA p. 296). While in Mughan, the three commanders Chormaghun, Benal and Mular held a quriltai at night with the latter two urging the killing of all the population in a new expeditions. Chormaghun, however, urged peace: "There has been enough destruction and killing in the land. Let it remain cultivated (shen). They can cultivate it, giving half for us to live on, from the vineyards and fields, and keeping half for themselves" (GA p. 298). Mysteriously, the next day, two of the warlike commanders were found dead. Chormaghun the survivor, went to "Chingiz" and and explained. The Khan mentions that it is God's will for the Mongols to take the world, maintain order, impose the yasax and collect ghzghu, mal taghar, and ghp'ch'ur taxes. They gave Chormaghun his wife Aylt'ana khatun and sent him back to the Caucasus, to Mughan, with 110 chiefs.

"Then they held a quiriltai (xurhut'ay) and a great council at Chormaghun's order, and they divided the countries among the 110 chieftains. Dividing the land into three parts, one group went north, one south and one directly through the country...

"Now the names of those chieftains who remained in the middle of the country were: Asut'u-noyin who was the oskr (? "bone", "relative") of the Khan; Chaghatay who was called khan; Sanit'ay; another junior Chaghatay; Bach'u-noyin (Baiju) whom they placed as the head of all the troops; Asar-noyin; Hut''t' u-noyin; T 'ut 'tu-noyin; Awgawt 'ay-noyin; Xojar-noyin; Xurumch'i-noyin; Xunan-noyin; T'enal-noyin.; Angurag-noyin.

"These same 11 chiefs divided amongst themselves the land of Georgia and Aghbania, mountain and plain. And they brought the great House of Chormaghun to Ganjak shahastan which previously was destroyed but later restored"(GA p. 302).

Aknerc'i next describes the capture of Vanakan, the destruction of Karin/Erzerum, the victory of Chmantakuk and following that the capture of Erzinjan "where they left shahna (guards)" (GA p. 310), the destruction of Caesarea, and the capture of Konya and Axsar. "Then they attacked Sebastia and took it by seige, but they did not kill the population. Rather, they took their belongings as booty, counted the men, imposed their customary mal and t'aghar taxes, left shahna and-chieftains for the country of Rum" , and returned to Azarbaijan (GA p. 312).

According to the KC, the first administrative move made by the Mongols occurred after Awag's submission. "He went to Chormaghun, Chaghatai, Bich'o (Baiju?) and Yusur

who saw [him] and honored him, became intimately acquainted and appointed guards for [his] cities. In their language these are called shan". Subsequently Shahnshah submitted:

"They appointed guards for the interior of the country" (KC p. 190; Mur. p. 75). The capture and killing of the disobedient continued until finally Iwane C'ixisjvarel-Jagheli submitted: "Iwane went and met Chaghatai who received him with honor and appointed guards for the country.

"When they had secured the entire land in this fashion, they divided it among the four rulers (noyins) as well as (=included in the division) all the erist'avs (dukes), their incomes and taxes which they took and sent. In this way the country began to be pacified, gradually" (KC p. 191; Mur. P. 76).

The subsequent chronology here seems to be somewhat confused. The KC next describes the campaign against Ghiyath al-Din, adding: "while the queen was sending

her son [to the Mongols]...harassed by the fighting [and after the capture of Konya], the sultan requested peace and promised to pay heavy and great taxes, and giving many gifts, huge gems, pearls, he calmed them down and requested guards. And for a certain time they would have no sultan until the best was chosen" (KC pp. 194-95; Mur. pp. 77-78).

193 HAP III p. 620; CAMA pp. 365-66; VT pp. 88,91. KG's information is found in his ch. 44: "As soon as Khan Guyuk took control of the great kingdom of the T'at'ar army in their own land, he forthwith sent out tax-collectors to his troops in various lands and regions which they had subdued, to take 1/10th (tasanord) of all the military property as well as taxes from the districts and kingdoms conquered by them: from the Persians, Tachiks, Armenians, Georgians, Aghbanians, and from all peoples under them" (KG pp. 311--12). The chiefs of the tax-collectors were Arghhun and Buqa, the latter even confiscating goods from a terrified Mongol nobility: "Yet no one dared say anything to him for he had assembled brigands from among the Persians and Tachiks who mercilessly performed deeds of cruelty and were especially inimical toward the Christians.

"Therefore they provoked him against the pious prince Hasan Jalal. [Buqa] seized him in the great court, before all the nobles and subjected him to numerous punishments. He demolished Hasan's inaccessible fortresses: the one called in Persian Xoyaxana, Ded, Ciranak'ar and his other fortresses. And they so levelled them that not even a trace appeared that anything had ever been built there. Taking much gold and silver from [Hasan] they barely spared his life. The great nobility (mecamec awagani) could do nothing to help him, so thrown into fear were all the spectators" (KG p. 313). Buqa also planned to seize the prince of princes Awag, but the great nobility (presumably Mongol nobllity) urged him to visit Buqa with his large personal army, saying: "Should [Buqa] happen to seize you, then you attack him". Seeing Awag's troops the frightened Buqa asked: "What is that multitude of soldiers for? Could it be that you are rebelling from the Khan and have come to kill us"? Buqa then spoke to Awag of peace, while simultaneously plotting against him. But before Buqa was able to actualize his designs, he died of disease (KG p. 314).

Grigor Aknerc'i does not mention the census of 1243 directly. However, describing the taking of Sebastia/Sivas in 1244 he writes: "But they did not kill them, rather took their treasures as booty and registered the populace and imposed taxes on them according to their custom, the mal and t'aghar. And leaving shahna (guards) and chiefs in the land of Rum..." (GA p. 312).

194 HAP III pp. 620-22; SEPHA pp. 131-32; CAMA p. 366; In chp 47, "Concerning the Destruction Wrought by the T'at'ars in Georgia", Kirakos narrates the princes' rebellion of 1249/50: "While the land was recovering a little from the raids and plunderings stirred up by the earth-consuming fire...the princes deprived and robbed the poor, and from this extortion they bought expensive clothing and they dressed, ate, drank, and boasted greatly as is the arrogant custom of Georgia " (KG p. 318). Kirakos rebukes those who "do not learn from the past", and he considers the instigator of the rebellion to be Satan. "...Suddenly all the nobility of the T'at'ar army held a council, armed, and wanted universally to ravage the lands of Armenia and Georgia, [lands] obedient to them, because the Georgian [diss. p. 121] king wanted to rebel with all the princes, and [the Mongols] were recruiting to come and destroy them, since it was apparent that all the princes were going for a levee to the king of Georgia, Dawit', in Tiflis.

"And while they were drinking wine, their spirits rose and an immature man among them said: 'Having such a multitude of troops, why do we serve [the Mongols]? Come, let us fall upon them suddenly, destroy and exterminate them, and we shall have our lands'.

"The great prince Awag intercepted this plot. And the T'at'ar army happening to be in the place was informed about it, and the army notified its chiefs.

"As soon as the forces of the princes each went to its own place thus armed, they [the Mongols] wanted generally to destroy everyone. The princes they found with them, they arrested and to those who were not there they sent summons for them to come in haste...

"...One of the senior leaders, general Chaghatai, head of the entire army and a friend of Awag, came amidst the armed troops and said to them: 'We have no order from the Khan to kill those who are obedient to us, stand in service to us, and pay taxes to the Khan. And the reality of their rebellion is not certain. But if we destroy them without cause you will be responsible to the Khan'. Hearing this they ceased following the matter.

"The mother of Awag, named Xoshak, went to them to assure them of her son's loyalty to them and that he soon would be coming--which in fact happened, since prince Awag quickly came up and demonstrated his intimacy with them by many testimonies.

"King Dawit' and the other princes arrived. [The Mongols] bound all of them tightly, according to their custom, hand and foot, with thin cords. They left them bound thus

for three days, ridiculing and insulting them for their arrogance and rebellious plans. And they took all [the rebels'] horses, put a price on their heads, and left them. [The Mongols] attacked Georgia, falling upon many districts of the rebels and non-rebels. They cut down many people and took even more captive, a countless multitude of men, women, and children they drowned in the river. And this took place in 1249/50 (698 A.E.)" (KG pp. 319-20).

VA:"...For a census was conducted in 1243/44 by which they worked deeds worthy of lamentation and tears not merely for [the sake of] rational animals, but for dumb animals, mountains and plains, which were watered with blood and tears. This same lamentation was repeated in 1249/50 because Baiju and the other nobles got wind of the presumptuousness and rebelliousness of the king and the princes of Georgia. King Dawit' was arrested as were other grandees; they were bound and sentenced to death, though they were spared by concern from On High. Nonetheless, countless numbers were killed and enslaved, villages and fields [were destroyed], and they disgraced women in Armenia--but more so in Georgia" (VA pp. 147-48).

[diss. p. 122] Aknerc'i's narration of the rebellion is found in his ch. IX. Like Kirakos, Aknerc'i noted that it was a Georgian custom to boast: "Now one of the Georgian princes counted the other princes in front of the king and declared the number of princes to be 1000. And some of the princes had 1000 horsemen for battle, while some had 500. The news of this spread throughout the entire kingdom, while they carelessly ate and drank. When they had counted and taken stock of the Armenian and Georgian forces, they said that their side would vanquish the T'at'ar troops. And they divided the chiefs amongst themselves. But this was not spoken straightforwardly, rather, in jest, for they were at leisure and free from care, and there was no enemy in the eastern land besides the Tat'ars who kept coming and through taxation harassing the Georgian and Armenian princes. From some they demanded gold cloth, from some falcons, from some aghek ("well-bred") dogs and horses. And in this way they harassed them over and above the mal, t'aghar and xalan" (GA p. 320). Aknerc'i says that a certain unnamed traitorous prince went and informed the Mongols.

"Now they, believing these false words, turned against the land, taking as plunder all the goods and flocks. But they did not kill people, [being] without orders from the great Khan. They seized the king and all the princes of the nation, while they even took to the court of the chieftain the great prince of Georgia, Awag, At'abak Iwvane's son, on a litter, since he had fallen ill in those days and was unable to ride a horse. Although the other princes and the king spoke a great deal, they did not believe them, and did not cease making captives and looting the land. But when they took Awag on a litter to the court of the Tat'ar chieftain(s) he spoke and was believed; they left off destroying the land and made peace with the terrified and pitiful Christians" (GA p. 322).

Step'annos 0rbelean omits any reference to the princes' rebellion. The account in the KC for the period 1243-50 is extremely confused chronologically. Dating, as usual, is absent, and beyond this, many events are telescoped. The chronicler laments the confused state of affairs foll- owing the death of queen Rusudan in 1247. During this time, the Georgian army was obliged to fight each year against the Assassins at Alamut, to fulfill military service to the Mongols. Furthermore, with the country kingless, Turks began attacking the Vagharshkert area. Then, with Georgia in confusion, the Georgian princes assembled at Koxtast'avi, complaining about their yearly fighting obligations at Alamut. They decided to rebel against the Mongols. Present were Egarslan, Dadiani, Vahram of Gag, Ghvarghvare, Shot'a Kupar, T'orghan, the Her-Kaxet'i's, the K'art'lec'is, Gamerkel T'oreli, Sargis T'mogveli, the Meshxs and people of Tao. However the noyins Baiju and Angurag arrested those at Koxta and sent them to Shirakavan, where Chormaghun had them bound. They claimed they had assembled to pay the kharaj tax. But they were not released until one of the instigators, C'otne Dadiani, came all the way fron Abxazia voluntarily, and repeated the same story (KC pp. 211-16; Mur. pp. 90-94).

195 SMP pp. 339-40.

196 HAP III p. 625; VA p. 148 merely mentions the census. Aknerc'i provides information not met with in the other Armenian sources: "In one small village [the Mongols) counted 30 or 50 men all from 15 to 60 years of age. They took 60 spitaks from each person counted. When they captured one who had fled or hid, they cruelly tied his hands back and beat him with green rods until his body was all cut and caked with blood. Then they pitilessly let loose their ferocious dogs, which they had trained to eat human flesh, and they let them devour the miserable and impoverished Christians" (GA p. 325). The KC, though somewhat confused, has a passage which appears to relate to the census of 1254. It characterizes Arghun, strangely, as a just, honest adviser, quite the opposite of the Armenian sources. First Arghun was sent to the domains of Batu, north of the Caucasus: "to survey and record those soldiers and warriors who had gone with the senior and junior noyins campaigning, and to stipulate according to their worth the uluf, which is a gift for those who have taken to the road and recompense for horse and saddle" (KC p. 234; Mur. p. l07). Arghun then went to Qubilai-Khan in China where he engaged in the same work. "When he reached Hulegu-Khan, the latter received hm with honor and sent him to Georgia to king David, then on to Rum to survey all of his holdings. When Arghun reached Georgia, all the inhabitants of David's kingdom were greatly menaced. They started surveying people and beasts fields, and plants, vineyards and vegetable gardens. From [each] 9 land-owning peasants it was ordered that 1 soldier should be provided. Thus David's kingdom provided by census to the Tatars 9 dumans, which is 9 x 10,000. [From each] village they stipulated gifts: to the Thousander one lamb and one drahkan (?); to the Ten Thousander, one sheep and two drahkan; or the horseman (?) 3 tetris daily (=a silver coin). He so stipulated and then went to Rum, Baghdad, and everywhere" (KC pp. 234-35; Mur. pp. 107-108).

197 KG pp. 362-63: "ew zamenayn aruestagets, et'e i k'aghak's ew et'e i giwghs, zamenayn i harki kac'uc'in. Ayl ew zcovaks, ew zlichs jknorsac', ew zerkat'ahans, ew zdarbins, ew zshparars...ew ink'eank' miayn shahein. Ew zamenayn aghahansn arhin, or I Koghb ew or yayl koghmans koghmans.

"Na ew i vacharakanac' bazum inch' shaheal, kutec'in ganjs sastiks oskwoy ew arcat'oy ew akanc' patuakanac'. Ew ayspes zamenesin sghac'uc'eal ew vayiw ew ashxarov lc'eal zashxarhs, t'oghin ch'ar ostikans I veray ashxarhac's znoyn pahanjeal yamenayn ami, novin hamarov ew grov".

198 HAP III pp. 614-16; SEPHA pp. 155-59.

199 CAMA p. 366; PT pp. 275-76; Bar Hebraeus describes Hulegu's entourage (BH p. 419) and Baiju's move (BH p.424). In 1256 the Melitene/Malatya area was attacked by Turkmens (BH p. 425) as well as by Baiju (BH pp. 426-27). The same author (p. 427) reports cannibalism in that city; KG p. 375; GA: "After this, when the year 706 A.E. (=1257/58) had come, there arrived from the East, where the great Khan was, 7 of the Khan's sons, each with a duman of cavalry and a duman is 30,000 [incorrect. The duman was 10,000]. They were named as follows: the first and greatest of them was Hulawu, who was a brother of Manku khan. The second, Xul, called himself the brother of God and was not ashamed. The third was Balaxe, the fourth Tut'ar, the fifth, T'agudar, the sixth, Ghataghan, and the seventh, Bawraghan. They were in disagreement amongst themselves, but were very fearless and eaters of men. On their journey they all came and travelled about in wagons, while they levelled the mountains and hills of the eastern country to facilitate the movement of their wagons and carts" (GA p. 327). 0f the leaders mentioned by GA, Xul it seems became a bandit and attacked certain monasteries in "the interior of the country". The monastery of Geret'i is mentioned especially (GA pp. 327, 329, 331).

KC: "Hulegu arrived in Atrpatakan with 60, 000 troops. Learning about this, the noyins Chormaghun, Yusur, Baiju, and Angurak went to meet him, taking with them all the nobles of Georgia, especially Egarslan, to whom the entire Georgian nobility submitted, as if to a king. They met in Atrpatakan. Two [bodies] of Tatars were [thus] assembled: those who had come there before [i.e., at the time of the conquest of the Caucasus], who were called t'amber, and those who had come with Hulegu-Khan...

"They came to the place known as Ala-Tagh [east of Lake Van in southern historical Armenia]. All his subjects came before him. He sat on the throne of the Khanate and they congratulated him according to their custom and called him Khan..." (KC pp. 222-23; Mur. p. 98).

200 KG: "To this Khan [Hulegu] went the very greatest chiefs from Batu's region: Ghul, Balagha, Tuthar, Ghataghan, for everyone honored Hulegu like a Khan. They obeyed him and feared him" (KG p. 377); KC: "During the same period other khane sent their sons to these parts. Called koun, they were: Batu's son Tur, Chaghatai-Khan's son Ushan, Ghul, and from the T'ul clan, Bolgha, in order that the khans' sons rule the lands they arrived in and also take the taxes. Ogedei-Khan's grandson Hulegu, brother of Qubilai-Khan had come forth and was here [in the Caucasus]. When Hulegu saw these three kouns he received them and gave them the lands due, and thus did they remain in peace" (KC pp. 223-24; Mur. p. 99).

201 CAMA pp. 367-68.

202 On the participation of Caucasian nobles in Il-Khanid warfare, see ch. 3.

203 HAP III, ch. 37, "Hayastane Hulavyan ishxanut'yan tirapetut'yan nerk'o [Armenia under Huleguid Domination]" by L. H. Babayan, pp. 628-44, pp. 630-31; SEPHA pp. 137-39. Kirakos' information is found in his ch. 63, "Concerning the Death of Pious Prince Jalal": "Now the king of Georgia, [diss. 129] Dawit', son of Lasha, who was subject to the T'at'ars, was placed into straits and wearied by the numerous and impossibly heavy taxes demanded of him, of all the princes, and of all the lands, which they could not bear, He left his city Tiflis, his throne, and everything he owned and fled to the depths of Ap'xazia and the fortresses of Suanet'ia. With him went many other great princes of districts who were harassed and harried, bankrupt, and who had mortgaged cities and districts but were still unable to satiate the evil leech-like appetite [of the Mongols]. So fraught, Dawit' fled, but he was unable to take with him his wife queen Gonc'a and his newborn son Demetre. He took along only his first born son Giorgi" ( KG p.389 ).

Arghun pursued him, but was unable to catch up. He destroyed and enslaved many Georgian districts, destroying the mauaolea of the kings at Gelat'i and the kat'oghikosate at Acghor. Suddenly some 400 Georgian cavalry appeared and scared off the Mongols. "And Arghun became frightened and dared not so brasenly enter and search places. He returned to Hulegu planning wickedness in his heart. He seized the Georgian queen Gonc'a, her daughter Xoshak, the great prince Shahnshah, Hasan Jalal the lord of Xach'en and many others because of debts and taxes [owed]. These people gave much treasure and barely saved their lives" (KG p. 390). However Hasan Jalal was executed in 1261/62.

"Now it happened that Zak'are [Shahnshah's son] was with Arghun and his many troops in Georgia. And Zak are went unbeknownst to Arghun and the other soldiers to see his wife who was with her father Sargis, prince of Uxteac', one of the rebels with the Georgian king Dawit'. When Arghun learned about this, he notified Hulegu who himself ordered that Zak'are be taken shackled. He heaped other false accusations upon him, ordered him killed, dismembered and thrown to the dogs" (KG p. 393).

VA notes that Zak'are, the sparapet of Georgia..."was falsely accused with delaying in going to court at the set time he was supposed to" (VA p. 153); Interestingly, SO says nothing about this rebellion, either. KC pp. 238-49, passim; Mur. pp. 1l0-21, passim.

204 Spuler pp. 21-25; 27-29; SMP pp. 352-54; CIA v. 3 p. 218 foldout; KG pp. 395-96; VA's account on p.153 is merely a chronological list derived from KG; S0 p. 161; KC p 249-54; Mur. pp. 121-25.

205 Spuler p.20; SMP pp. 35l-52; Het'um p. 53.


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