137 GHP, III.61, p. 232.

138 GHP, II.57, pp. 214-15.

139 GHP, III.60, p. 230.

140 GHP, III.61, p. 232.

141 GHP, I.11, p. 29.

142 GHP, I. 16, p. 51.

143 GHP, II.32, p. 123. The fact that there were "a few sepuhs from every tohm" fighting on either side is a direct result of Iranian policies as well as of the dynamics of development of the naxarar system in the fifth century. It was the policy of the Iranian government to promote apostasy from Christianity in Armenia hy financially and politically advancing the apostates. Catholicos Sahak was offered many gifts if he would corroborate the naxarars' charges against king Artashes IV (I.14, p. 46). The apostate naxarars who deposed Sahak together with Artashes returned to Armenia with money, honor (patiw), and "greatness" (mecut'iwn) (I.14, p. 48). Varazvaghan Siwnik' who supposedly was converted by Mihr Nerseh himself (II.20, p. 75) ex- pected gifts and honor for this (II.20, p. 79) and his mentor urged Yazdgard II to lavish wealth on Varazvaghan "so that his own tohm and the other Armenian grandees (mecameck') see what the protection of the Iranian crown means and they will fall over themselves in their eagerness to serve" (II.22, p. 83). At the time of the mass conversion of naxarars summoned to Ctesiphon with Vardan (c. 449), the newly- apostate Armenian, Iberian, and Albanian princes were decorated and given gifts and honor, villages and fields (II.28, p. 107). Similar inducements were offered to the Ghewondean priests and to the priests Abraham and Xoren (II.46, p. 177).

Beyond financial inducements, Iran held out to prospective apostates the promise of political power. Thus Yazdgard II replaced Vasak with the Zoroastrian Varazvaghan as lord of Siwnik' (II.46, p. 177). As a result of his communication with the Greeks and his oath of allegiance with the Vardaneans sworn on a Bible, Vasak must have been viewed by Yazdgard II as disloyal from a political and religious standpoint. That Persians were advancing apostates is seen too in the accusations made ahout Peroz' policies by Vahan. Peroz, according to Vahan, allied himself with brigand-leaders, murderers, fugitives, and insignificant and worthless men. Vahan complained that the unworthy were being given princedom and honor (ishxanut'iwn ew patiw, III.92, p. 362). Earlier, speaking to marzpan Shapuh Mihran, Vahan revealed that power in Armenia was in the hands of men from lowly tohms (III.75, pp. 293-96) and he denounced Peroz for "not recognizing worth and worthlessness" among his subordinates (III.85, p. 340) . Long before Valash, Vahan says, Persian officials were collaborating with "lowly villagers, disobedient sons, and servants who worked evil against their lords (III.95, p. 376)".

The results of these policies are evident from Ghazar's History. Availing themselves of the opportunity for advancement many representatives of Armenia's lesser nobility converted and so destroyed whatever unity had existed previously within a particular house. Some areas such as Siwnik' appear to have been squarely within the Iranian camp. Vasak and Gdihon Siwnik' are arch-fiends to Ghazar. It was in Siwnik's fortresses that the captured Vardanean-Hmayeakean priests and Catholicos Yovsep' were held captive (II.42, p. 155) and it was the princes of Siwnik', according to P'arpec'i, who in the vision of Gregory the Illuminator found in "Agat'angeghos" first were transformed from white lambs into black wolves (II.20, p. 80). However, not even the pro-Iranian house of Siwnik' was free trom religio-political troubles. Babgen and Bakur Siwnik` were fighting on Vahan's side (II.47, p. 179). Yazd Siwnik' was martyred for his Christian faith, although his relative Gdihon had urged him to apostasize "like a jealous brother" [III.76, p. 302). In other parts of the country too there was a great division within the naxarar families, which destroyed the unity of Armenia's resistance. Thus when Vahan wrote for aid to the Anjewac'i and Mokac'i houses, Nerses Eruanduni and Yohan Anjewac'i answered his summons but they were attacked on their way to the sparapet by Anjewac'i and Mokac'i led soldiers (III. 70 p. 273).

The naxarar system was also undergoing changes internally. Like the nobility in Iran during the same period, the Armenian nobility was strengthening its power. The bitterest passages in the book reflect P'arpec'i's reaction to some of the internal changes in the naxarar system . Like the nobility in Iran, the Armenian naxarars were notorious for deposing their kings. King Arshak III was driven from the land and left Ayrarat lamenting the insubordination of the naxarars (I.6, pp. 13-14). The naxarars treacherously informed Persian king Shapur III (383-88) that their king Xosrov IV was in secret communication with the Byzantines (I.8, p. 21). Xosrov was deposed and the nobles requested Vramshapuh as king (I.9, p. 22). King Artashes IV also was requested by the naxarars from Vahram V (I.12, p. 35/, but he too was deposed (I.14, pp. 47-8). Catholicos Sahak was deposed at the same time and replaced by Surmak from Bznunik' whom the naxarars had selected as their candidate and brought to court (I.14, pp. 43-4). Surmak was deposed (I.15, p. 48) as was Vahram V's replacement for him, Brgisho (I.15, p. 50).

144 GHP, II.36, p. 136.

145 GHP, II.39, p. 148.

146 GHP, III.67, p. 259.

147 GHP, III.69, p. 266.

148 GHP, III.73, pp. 286-86.

149 Grudges among the naxarars such as between Varazvaghan and Vasak Siwnik` (II.20, p. 79) or between Vahan Amatuni and Vasak Siwnik' (II.3l, p. 121) were exploited whenever possible. Also an extensive system of domestic espionage was encouraged within Armenia. Zoroastrians (mages or Armenian converts) constituted one source of intelligence, of course. Thus both rebels Vardan (II.32, p. 122) and Vahan (II.66, p. 257) believed that the Persians knew ahout their plans before the outbreak of their rebellions. Vardan specifically accused the mages of spying. There were numerous willing informants who, either from sincere pro-Iranian convictions or to destroy enemies and advance themselves, informed on their countrymen and friends. There are many examples of this development in P'arpec'i: Gadisho Maxaz accused Catholicos Giwt of paying bribes and giving gifts to apostates to return them to the Christian fold (III. 64 pp. 240-41); Vahan's associate Vriw accused him of conspiracy (III.65, p. 250); Varazshapuh Amatuni informed marzpan Atrvshnasp of Vahan's plans for rebellion (III.67, p. 250); oath-breaking naxarars informed the Persian commander Zarmihr Hazarawuxt that Vahan had sent Mushegh Mamikonean with half the army to fight in Iberia and that Vahan's forces in Dwin were few. They urged the Persians to massacre Vahan's compatriots to put a quick end to the disturbances (III.78, p. 310). P'arpec'i in no way emphasizes the fact, but it is clear that very often the Persians were using willing local guides in their operations, whether to uncover the concealed Hmayeakeans or to capture the Kamsarakan women (II.41, p. 153 and III.79, p. 313).

Each of Ghazar's references to the disunited or apostate naxarars is laced with bitterness and scorn. Sometimes the author directly intrudes into the narrative with his own comments. These are often of a religious nature, such as the damning remarks he makes over his enemy Gdihon Siwnik"s decaying corpse (III.83, p. 329), or his comparison of the naxarars who deposed Artashes IV and Catholicos Sahak with Joseph's brothers (I.14, p. 48). More often Ghazar places his sentiments in the mouths of others. Thus before Vahram V, Armenia's last Arsacid king Artashes IV stated angrily that the naxarars traditionally disobeyed their lords and changed them frequently (I.14, pp. 43-4). Vardan, called back from exile, denounced the naxarars in their presence for casting the Mamikoneans into danger and then remaining aloof (II.30, pp. 118-19). Vahan called the naxarars untrustworthy and liars (III.66, p. 255).

150 GHP, II.26, pp. 96-97.

151 GHP, II.27, p. 104.

152 GHP, II. 27, p. 106.

153 GHP, II.3l, p. 120.

154 GHP, II.30, p. 114.

155 GHP, II.33, p. 130.

156 GHP, II.38, p. 147.

157 GHP, II.37, p. 139.

158 GHP, III.65, p. 252. In his letter for aid to the Arcruni, Anjewac'i, Mokac'i, and Rshtuni princes, Vahan called for "revenge for the church" (III.70, p. 272). Vahan took to battle with him Catholicos Yovhan with whom he prayed publicly before the troops (III.79, pp. 275-76). Throughout the course of his uprising Vahan lavished attention on the churches. He gave presents to the church in Vagharshapat (III.77, p. 304) . When marzpan Shapuh Mihran left the country, Vahan renovated a church in Vagharshapat (III.86, p. 338). He had mass said in Dwin (III.94, p. 371), and after peace was announced, he spent several days in Vagharshapat visiting shrines (III.97, p. 383). Vahan even more than Vardan is shown as a champion of the church. The first of three demands presented hy Vahan to the Iranian peace negotiators of Valash concerned religion: Armenians must not become mages, apostasy must not be rewarded, the fire-temples must be removed, the people must have the right to worship freely wherever they please, and the church must not be vilified (III.89, p. 348). Vahan is shown pressing this demand insistently. Initially he demanded toleration of Christianity from the Iranian general Mihran (III.75, p. 298). He repeated the demand to Nixor (III.95, p. 369) and before King Valash himself (III.95, p. 377).

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