1 C. Toumanoff, "The Fifteenth
Century Bagratids and the Institution of Collegial Sovereignty
in Georgia", Traditio VII (1949-51) pp. 204-5, 210.
2 KG pp. 255-56.
3 SO pp. 149~50: "...Taking [Elikum]
as a guide [the Mongol commander Aslan-noyin] went as far
as Ani, subduing everyone. He took Vayoc' Jor and Eghegis as far
as Ereror village which stands opposite Garhni, and gave it all
to Elikum, saying: 'That which was taken by the sword and that
which was bought with gold are equally the patrimony of man.
Now these districts which I have taken with my sword shall be
yours as patrimony and the patrimony of your line. Do you now
faithfully look upon us and serve the Great Khan who sent us here'.
And Elikum with great heartfelt thanks served them. From that
day forth it was confirmed that those [lands] would be the patrimony
of the Orbelean tun (House) and line. Now other commanders
subordinated other lands and brought out of Kayen fortress, Awag.
They took the kingdom of Georgia by force, and absolutely ruled
everywhere" (SO pp. 149-50).
4 SO p. 150 suggests that Elikum was
murdered by physicians at the command of Awag.
5 S0 p. 151.
6 Toumanoff, Studies, p. 211
n. 238.
7 SO pp. 152-53; KC p. 228; Mur. p.
103.
8 SO p. 157: "They gave him a golden
p'ayiza which is a tablet bearing the names of God and
of the king, their greatest honor. They also drew up a yarligh
which we call sigel--a command--and gave him all that Aslan had
taken by the sword and Orotn with its lands...and
the fortress of Borotn with its provisions,
as the blood--price for the murder of his father Liparit. Furthermore
they removed Smbat['s name] from the dawt'ars of the Georgians
and others. This was the second confirmation of their patrimony,
for the first [time] it was taken by the sword, when [Smbat] was
a servant, by the agency of Aslan--noyin; while the second
time [it was received] as a gift from the Khan...".
9 SO p. 159: "Isk minch' ays
ayspes liner, apa bariateac'n satanay sksaw naxanj arkanel, ew
grgrel ztunn Awagin ew zmecamecsn Vrac'. Ew zi Awagn vaxchaneal
er i 699 t'uin ew kin nora Gonc'ayn under dustr me Xoshak' anum.
Ew ishxer amenayn ishxanut'ean nora. Vasn oroy zhoghovec'an i
Tp'ghis arh Arghunn or er vazir ew pasgha (tesuch') kargeal i
mec ghanen i veray amenayn ashxarhis, aysink'n hramanatar amenec'un
ew ishxec'ogh ark'uni harkac'n ew mec diwanin, or arar ashxarhagir
zashxarhs amenayn y703 t'uakanin: Ew bazum kasharhok' xndrein
korusanel zSmpat ew och' zharhangec'uc'anel zerkir nora, zor ew
och' hamarjaker Arghunn, ayl arhin i Smbatay bazum teghis. Ew
zmnac'ealsn keghek'ein sastkapes".
10 SO p. 161.
11 SO p. 165: "Isk Smbatay hayragir
leal tann Awagin xorhi end ayl ishxanac'n. Ew tan spananel i
covamiji zGonc'ayn, hramanaw Hulawu ghanin. Ew ink'n ishxer amenayn
ishxanut'eanc' Awagin. Ew tay zdustr nora zXoshak'n i knut'iwn
mec Xojayin sahip diwanin...ew er ays y718 t'uin". KC
p. 251; Mur. p. 123: "Now Awag's former wife, the queen Gonc'a,
was killed when located among the Tatars, as they say; and it
was at the urging of her daughter Xoshak, wife of the sahibdivan
khoja Shams-ad Din that she was killed".
12 SO p. 168.
13 KC p. 238; Mur, p. 110: "At
that time, Awag was dead, having left no male heir, but only a
daughter named Xoshak'. In tears the king went to Bjni. He saw
Awag's fair wife, Gonc'a, the daughter of Kaxaberije, duke (erist'av)
of Rach. He fell in love with her and after a short while, married
her and made her queen. He brought her to his kingdom. As for
Awag's daughter, he left her in her patrimonial holdings and entrusted
her to Sadun Mahkanaberdeli".
14 KC p. 237; Mur. p. 109-110: "The
fact that Gonc'a had become queen was displeasing to the mestumre
Jik'uri, since they were enemies. So on the advice of Smbat Orbeli
[word] was spread about that Jik'uri had sent someone to Arghun
to reveal to Hulegu-Khan the [size of the] king's wealth, and
his intention to rebel".
15 SO pp. 168-69: "Then the king
called Smbat to Tiflis and wanted to show his gratitude to him
through very great gifts. He asked Smbat: 'What great gifts shall
I bestow upon you? For whatever in my kingdom you wish, whatever
you find agreeable, I shall give you unsparingly'. Smbat arose
and prostrated himself: 'Oh king, whatever we have is/was [given
by] you and your forbears. This much is enough for us; but there
is one thing I request from you'. The king responded: 'I swear
that I shall give you whatever you ask for'. Smbat said: 'Then
obliterate that wicked memory of us, through which
your forbear [king Georgi] slandered my ancestors. For he had
written [a document] with curses, such that we not be allowed
into our patrimony, and he had it placed in his treasury. Give
that [document) to me'. The king was astonished and despised his
father for removing from his tun such powerful and capable
men. And he ordered his attendants to search for and bring that
document (girk': "writing, letter, book"). They
went, located it, and quickly brought it. The king took it in
his hand and stood up, saying: 'Behold, Smbat, take the document
you requested'. Smbat arose, prostrated himself, and replied:
'Oh king, who so forgave the past, show me [yet anotherj kindness.
That book was written by a king's hand; it must be destroyed by
a king's hand. Order that a fire be kindled before yourself, and
throw that book into the flames with your own hand'. At once the
king commanded that a fire be struck up. He pulled out his sword,
tore out the pages, and threw them into the fire. Whereupon Smbat
was exceedingly delighted and thanked him. After this, the king
gave him many other magnificent gifts and robes of honor and further
distinguished him and sent him home. In this manner did Smbat
remove the stigma attached to his ancestors, and left a good reputation
for those succeeding [him]".
16 SO p. 166.
17 SO p. 171: "bazum janiw".
18 KC pp. 269-70; Mur. p. 150.
19 KC p. 281; Mur. p. 150.
20 According to the History of K'art'li,
the property of atabek Awag, before being entrusted to
king Demitre "belonged to the sahip diwan", i.e.,
to Shams ad-Din Juvaini (KC p. 285; Mur. p. 153). SO pp. 172-73:
"Ew er end nora t'agaworn Demetre, zor sireac' Arghunn,
ew et nma zamenayn ashxarhs Hayoc' ztunn Awagean ew ztunn Shahanshahean
ew Gagec'in ew zordisn Sadun at'abekin...Apa darjaw Demetre mecaw
xndut'eamb ew amenayn azatok', ew mecameck' Vrac' ew Hayoc' end
nma. Ew ekeal i Sharur gnac' nnma end arhaj Tarsayichn mecamec
patuoy, ew ark'unakan encayiwk' mecareac' zt'agaworn. Ew na arheal
taraw end iwr zna yerkirn Awagean yAyrarat, ew bazum t'axanjanok'
brhnazboseac' zna, ew ed At'abek iveray amenayn terut'ean iwroy
minch'ew i Tp'ghis ew yAni ew i Kars. Ew ed i jerhs nora ztghaysn
iwr zDawit' ew zManueln snuc'anel znosa ew pahel. Ew yaynmhete
under Tarsayichn zat'abekut'iwn ashxarhis Hayoc', ew bazum diwrut'iwn
ew oghormut'iwn arhner negheal azgis Hayoc'..."
21 KC p. 285; Mur. p.153.
22 SO pp. 177-78: "...But then
his sons commenced arguing over their father's lordships and princedom.
They went to the royal court and stood.before the ruler Arghun-Khan
and familiarized him with their debate. Arghun called forth the
senior son, Elikum, appointed him to his father's place and set
him as prince over all. However, although Elikum ruled all of
his father's patrimonies and princedom, nonetheless he did not
want to deprive his brothers. So he divided the entire inheritance
with the advice of the bishops, vardapets and azats.
He gave a suitable portion to his brother's son, Liparit... ".
23 VA p. 143; Zak'are and Iwane attempted
to forcibly unite the Armenian Monophysite and the Georgian Chalcedonian
Churches, unsuccessfully (KG pp. 166-67); the Annals of Bishop
Step'annos, MC vol. 1 p. 38). The center of Georgian Chalcedonianism
in northern Armenia was the monastery of Pghnjahank', on
which see P. M. Muradyan, "Vrac'eren arjanagrut'uunner
Hayastanum: Pghnjahank' [ Georgian Inscriptions in Armenia:
Pghnjahank']" Lraber #1 (1973) pp. 39-57, as well
as the same author's first article, "Georgian Inscriptions
in Armenia" describing the inscriptions at Hnevank', Sanahin,
and Haghbat, Teghekagir #3 (1966) pp. 30-47.
24 KG p. 222.
25 G. Petrowicz, "Miabanogh
eghbayrnere ew Hay ekeghec'in [The Uniators and the Armenian
Church]", HA (1969) pp. 361-62.
26 Petrowicz pp. 363-64.
27 As Petrowicz notes, the signatures
of those favoring unity, appearing on the protocols of the Council
of Adana, indicate support from numerous parts of Armenia: (all
bishops) Vardan of Ani, Yovhannes Maranduneanc', Yovhannes of
Taron, Markos of Kars, Yakob of Salmast, Grigor of Marash, Nerses
of Kamax, Awetik' of Np'rkert, Vardan of Sasun, P'ilippos of Xorhjean,
Step'annos of Colonean (HA p. 367).
28 Petrowicz pp. 364-65.
29 ibid. pp. 367-68.
30 ibid. pp. 466-67.
31 Akinean, "Aght'amar", HA
(1916) pp. 141-42, (1917/18) p. 34.
32 ibid. (1916) p. 142.
33 ibid. pp. 144-45.
34 ibid. p. 148. Yet another
special "center" of the Church was the district of Siwnik'
in eastern Armenia, an area traditionally known for its separatist
tendencies. The political independence of Siwnik' in this period
was paralled by jurisdictional independence in religious matters.
Thus the historian Step'annos Orbelean was ordained in Cilicia
in 1287/88, "metropolitan of the great see of Siwnik', above
all the other bishops here and there, some in Vayoc' Jor and some
in Tat'ew" (SO p. 174). To my knowledge, Step'annos was the
first cleric in Armenia to be styled metropolitan, a new term
perhaps to match Siwnik's unique positon (VT p. 137, also CIA
v. II p. 78). In any case the erudite Step'annos appears to have
maintained good relations with Sis and with the clerical nobility
of Greater Armenia. It is known, for example, that Step'annos
was a close friend of kat'oghikos Zak'aria I of Aght'amar
(1296-1336) and requested from him a copy of T'ovma Arcruni's
History of the Arcrunid House (10th cent.) [TA p. 319].
For the most part, however, relations among the various Armenian
Christian groups--as relations among the important secular naxarardoms--were
characterized by bitter conflict and rivalry.