162 Useful secondary sources on the
Mongol invasions are SMP; B, Spuler, The Muslim World,
part II, The Mongol Period (Leiden 1960) [Hereafter, Spuler];
(J.Saunders, The History of the Mongol Conquests (London,
1971);for Armenia in particular, PT; DMH; Alizade; SEPHA; HAP
III, ch. 35, L. H..Babayan, Mongholakan arshavank'nere ev
Hayastani nvachume [The Mongol Invasions and the Conquest
of Armenia]", pp. 597-613;HAP IV (Erevan, 1972) ch. 1, L.S.
Xach'ikyan, "Hayastani k'aghak'akan vichake ev soc'ial-tntesakan
haraberut'yunnere XIV-XV darerum [Armenia's Political Situation
and Socio~Economic Relations in the XIV-XVth Centuries]",
pp. 15-47 particularly; also A.G, Galstyan's Russian article
in Tataro-Mongoly v Azii i Evrope (Moscow, 1970) and the
English translation of it in the Armenian Review vol. XXVII
(1975), "The Conquest of Armenia by the Mongol Armies",
pp. 356-76 [Hereafter CAMA]. CAMA, p. 357; HAP III p. 600.
163 SMP. pp. 309-10.
164 HAP III p. 600; Babayan is challenged
by Galstyan in CAMA, pp. 357-58; The Armenian sources report the
following on early Mongol activities in the Caucasus: 1. Kirakos
Ganjakec'i: ":..Thus finding many people unconcerned, they
[Mongols] destroyed and ruined many places. Then they secured
their bags and baggage in the marshy, muddy place which lies between
the cities of Bartaw and Belukan--a very safe place which they
call Beghamej--and they destroyed many districts with brazen attacks",
KG p. 202; 2. Vardan Arewelc'i: The initial penetration of the
Caucasus is presented in chapter 84 of his History. "In
1221... foreign-looking and foreign-sounding people called Mughal
and T'at'ar moved from the land of Ch'in and Mach'in and came
to Gugark''s meadowlands by way of Aghbania.
There were some 20,000 of them. They destroyed everything that
they found alive and then quickly turned back. Now [king] Lasha
pursued them with all his forces, reaching [the Mongols] by the
Kotman river. He was defeated by them and saved himself by flight,
with Iwane. Some prince had whipped [dissertation p. 96] the latter's
horse (acer zjighn) such that Iwane lost him. However,
Vahram, lord of the land, who was uninformed of the others' flight,
went [pursuing the Mongols] as far as Gardman, displaying great
bravery in the face of severe destruction" ;VA p. 142; 3.
Grigor Aknerc'i: Aknerc'i's information on the initial penetration
is found in chapter 3 of his History and immediately follows
his hazy reference to Jalal al-Din: "Together with all of
this, they once more took a command from their khan, who was called
Ch'ankez khan. And they attacked the land of the Aghbanians and
Georgians.
"When the king of the Georgians
heard about the coming of the Tat'ars he went against them with
60,000 cavalry to the great plain called Kotman, located before
Terunakan fortress. When the battle was joined, through the influence
of satan, the enemy of truth, Hamidawla, the lord of Manasa stable,
because of some grudge, hamstrung the horse of At'abak Iwvane.
For at that time Lasha, king of Georgia, had died leaving a son
named Dawit' and a daughter Rusudan (Urhuzuk'an). Dawit' had fallen
into the hands of the sultan of Rum and was in prison. His sister
Rusudan held the kingdom under the supervision of Iwvane, called
the At'abak.
"Now as was said above, when the
news of the coming of the Tat'ars was learned, Iwvane took the
cavalry of the Georgian kingdom and came to Gag, to the great
and wise prince Varham, son of Plu Zak'are. Taking him with his
own army he went against the Tat'ars. The rnighty and great prince
Varham took the right wing and Iwvane the left. But when they
attacked each other the accursed Hamidawla worked this crime which
was described.
"When the Nation of the Archers
saw such dissension amongst them, they grew stronger and attacked
the Georgian cavalry, mercilessly killing them.
"However the great prince Varham, lord of Gag, who had taken [command] of the [army's] right wing went on until evening, mercilessly attacking and killing the Tat'ars until the plain of Sagam was generally filled with slain Tat'ars. When Varham, prince of Gag, heard of the destruction of the forces of the kingdom, sorrowing greatly, he left off warring and returned to his secure fortress called K'arherj. This took place in the year 663 of the Armenian Era (=1215)", GA, pp. 292,294; 4. Step'annos Orbelean: After describing the 7 years of famine and clamities occasioned by Jalal al-Din, Step'annos wrote: "Now after 11 years, the Lord raised up out of the East the Nation of the Archers or Mughals, also vulgarly known as T'at'ars, from the land of Ch'in and Mach'in, from beyond Xat'astan... Now the third division [of the Mongol army] passed straight through the land [of Persia], crossing the great Jahan river which they themselves call the Amu Mawra. And moving about like a storm, they reached our land, generally subjecting every place... The first to come to [this] land were Ch'awrman, Ch'aghatay, Aslan, Asawur and Ghagha khan.
They took the land in 1237 (685 A. E.)",
SO pp. 146-48. In other words, as far as Step'annos cares to relate,
the [dissertation p. 97] first penetration of the Mongols was
linked with the immediate submission of the Orbeleans; 5. The
confused account in the History of Kart'li associates the
appearance of the Mongols in Caucasia with the hunt for Jalal
al-Din, but the chronology is impossible. Chingiz-Khan sent princes
Yamay and Salpian with 12,000 soldiers having no arms or food,
no swords, and only [bows and] arrows.
"They traversed T'uran, Jeon, Xorasan,
Eragh [lraq] , Atrpatakan, and reached Ganjak. No one opposed
them, but if [resisters] appeared anywhere, they defeated all
of them. Having reached the borders of Georgia they began ravaging
the Gag country. Vahram[Varham] Gageli and atabek Ivane
learned about this and informed king Lasha about foreign tribes
speaking an unknown language who had come to ruin Somxit'i. The
king summoned his army, Imerc'is and Amerc'is, gathered a force
of 90,000 and sent them to that border of Gag where the Tatars
were. From there a large force joined them comprising atabek
Ivane and his brother's son Shahnshah [Shanshe] and the msaxurt'-uxuc'es
Vahram of Gag, and they went on".
The Tatars were encamped on the banks
of the Berduj/Sagin river. They defeated the Georgians who fled.
"The Tatars reached as far as Shamshvilde and turned back
from there working such amazing deeds. The went by the Darband
road [and], because neither the Shirvanshah nor the people of
Darband resisted them, they passed through the
Gate of Darband and entered the Qipchaqs'
country. These they forced to fight, and many times the Qipchaqs
battled but the Tatars were always victorious. And so they went
on, fight ing .
"Thus as I said, [the Mongols]
unarmed and with unshod horses, traversing such a road crossed
Qipchaq, circumlocuted the Darband Sea and reached their ruler
Chingiz-Khan in Qara-Qorum. This extraordinary feat was accomplished
without stopping, crossing all the roads with unshod horses. Those
who had come from Qara-Qorum returned there. When Chingiz-Khan
learned that the Tatars had been victorious everywhere, he sent
his sons to find sultan Jalal al-Din of Xorasan" , KC pp.
166-67;Muradyan [Mur.], pp. 55-56.
165 HAP III p. 600; Ibn al-Athir [JA
14(1849)] pp. 447-52.
166 HAP III p. 601; Ibn al-Athir pp.
452-53.
167 CAMA pp. 358-59; HAP III p. 602;
Ibn al-Athir pp. 453-55; According to Kirakos, the king assembled
an even larger army and "wanted to battle the enemy. But
the T'at'ars collected their wives, children, and all their bags
and baggage, and desired to pass to their own land through the
Darband Gate. Now the Tachik troops who were in Darband did not
allow them to enter. So the T'at'ars crossed the Caucasus mountains
at an impassable spot, filling the abyss with wood and stones,
their goods, horses and military equipment and thus crossed over
and went to their own land. The name of their leader was Sabada
Bahatur", KG p. 203. Vardan: "In 1223 those same [Mongols]
wanted to depart. Furthermore, their ambassadors had found Armenia
and Georgia [militarily] ready and assembled, and they so reported
(tareal zhambawm). [Thus] they did not dare come and instead
turned and went away", VA p. 142.
168 J. J. Saunders, op.cit.,
p. 59.
169 HAP III p. 602; SEPHA p. 93; Ibn
al-Athir pp. 463-67; Kirakos' information is found in his chapter
12: "Afterwards when some time had passed, another force
of Huns called Xbch'axs came through Georgia to king Lasha and
to the hazarapet Iwane so that these two might give them
a place to dwell and [in exchange] they would serve them loyally.
However they did not agree to accept the Qipchaqs.
"So the Qipchaqs arose and went
to the residents of the city of Ganjak where they were joyously
received, since the people there had been placed in great straits
by the Georgian army, which ruined their lands and enslaved man
and beast. The Ganjakec'is gave the Huns an area to reside, located
within the confines of the city and they aided them with food
and drink so that with their help the citizens might resist the
Georgian kingdom. The Hun army halted there and settled",
KG p. 204. Vardan: "...And in the same year [1223] a large
army of Huns called Qipchaqs (Xwch'agh) came to Ganjak and united
with them [i.e., with the people of Ganjak]. And because our forces
went against them carelessly and in surety, they were dispersed,
separated, and fled. Many were killed by the sword, while others
were taken alive and put into prison--some from among the glorious
azats included. Among the prisoners were the prince called
Grigor son of Xaghbak and his nephew (brother's son) the manly
and valliant champion named Papak'. They were avenged the next
year when our forces wiped out a large part of the Qipchaqs when
the latter came to the land of Vardanashat",VA pp. 142-43.
170 Ibn al-Athir, pp. 468-69; Kirakos:
"Then Iwane mustered troops and arrogantly went against them.
He boasted greatly that he would exterminate them and the city
ae well, placing his trust in the multitude of his soldiers and
not in God Who gives the victory to whomever He pleases. When
the two groups clashed, the barbarians calmly emerged from their
lairs and put to the sword the wearied and [God-]forsaken Georgian
army. They arrested many and put the remainder to flight. There
was, that day a great destruction of the Christian troops. So
many were abandoned by the protection of God that one poor [fighting]
man was able to capture many brave and experienced warriors, like
a shepherd leading his flock before him. For God had removed His
aid from their swords and did not succor them in battle. The Qipchaqs
brought the honorable men [of the captives] and sold them for
some clothing or food. Persians bought them and tormented them
with impossible tortures, demanding such quantities of gold and
silver that it was impossible to pay. And many died there in jail.
"The Qipchaqs seized, among others,
Grigor, son of Haghbak, brother of brave Vasak and his brother's
son Papak', for Vasak had three sons...But after some days had
elapsed, the great hazarapet Iwane once again mustered
troops and went to wreak vengeance on those who had destroyed
his soldiers. He attacked them at an unexpected hour and put the
barbarians to the sword. He captured their booty and enslaved
their children, taking both to his land", KG pp. 204-6.
171 Ibn al-Athir p. 470; KG pp. 206-7.
172 PT pp. 49, 128; SEPHA pp 94-99;
CAMA pp. 359-60.
173 SMP p. 330.
174 HAP III p. 604; DMH p. 133 notes
the general increase of nomadic elements in Asia Minor as a result
of Jalal al-Din·s flight.
175 SMP p. 327; Kirakos' account is
fairly extensive,and includes one date, 1225/26 (674 A.E) in the
heading for ch. 18 of his History: "18. Concerning
Sultan Jalaladin and the Destruction of the Georgian Army in 674
A. E." KG states that Jalaladin, sultan of Xorasan (Khwarazm)
as a result of the Mongol attack on his lands fled "through
the land of Aghbania and he came and captured the city of Ganjak.
He then assembled his countless troops from among the Persians,
Tachiks and Turks and came to Armenia". Iwane learned of
Jalal's arrival, informed the ruler of Georgia, and massed the
army, boasting that if he defeated Jalal al-Din he would force
all the Armenians under Georgia's domination "to convert
to the Georgians' religion [to Chalcedonian Orthodoxy], while
they would kill those resisting". KG attributes the Caucasian
defeat to this blasphemous arrogance.
Meanwhile Jalal al-Din had come to
Kotayk'. The Georgian arm camped nearby and observed that the
Khwarazmians were unaware of this. "Now as soon as this was
observed by one of the senior Georgian princes,
Shalue and by his brother Iwane, men brave and renowned and triumphant
in battle, they said to the other troops: 'You stay in one place
while we shall go and engage them, If we turn some of them in
our pursuit, the victory is ours. Do you then spring out. But
if they defeat us, then do you flee and save your lives'.
"As soon as they engaged them
they began to destroy the sultan's army. But the Georgian soldiers
paid no attention and instead fled the place...". fleeing
unpursued as far as Garhni. Then the sultan's army followed,
killing and throwing soldiers over cliffs.
"Sultan Jalal al-Din came to the
head of the valley and saw a pitiful sight. For a multitude of
men and horses lay there piled up like a heap of rocks. He shook
his head and [103]said: 'This is not the work of man but
of God for whom all is possible'. He then turned to rob the corpses
of the fallen, and having ruined many places, went off to the
city of Tiflis(Tp'xis)", KG pp. 224-25.
Vardan Arewelc'i's information is found
in ch. 85 of his History. The account differs in
detail from what is found in the other Armenian sources: "Now
toward the end of 1225/26, two sons of the Xorazmshah, defeated
and harassed by the T'at ars came in a body of 200,000 so they
say, through the land of Azarbaijan (Adlparakan) to Ostan in Armenia.
This they took and filled the plain with wide tents. Our forces
went against [the Khwarazmians] and not a few from our side were
lost, both by the town of Garhni and, a larger group. which fell
over ditches into chasms. This was God's wrath upon
Iwane in recompense for the new and alien evils worked by his
wife, for when the presbyter Parkesht died, she had his body removed
from the grave and burned. Then a dog was sacrificed on the place...".
Jalal al-Din meanwhile, after conquering many places returned
to Tabriz. A year later he went to Tiflis by way of the plains
of Gag. VA p. 143.
Step'annos Orbelean's account is briefer
than Kirakos' and provides some additional detail. Step'annos
notes Jalal's destructive movement from Atrpatakan to the Araratean
district where he encamped. When atabek Iwane went to
fight him, the account here becomes somewhat different. According
to Step'annos, Shalue and his brother Grigor observed how sparse
the Khwarazmian army was and signalled the Caucasian troops to
attack. However, God altered the response so that it sounded like
"flee". The fleeing army crossed over some loose ground
near Garhni which gave way, and the mass fell into the ravine.
"But atabek Iwane got away with 10 men and fled into
the fortress Geghe.
"As for Liparit [Orbelean], he
found some byway and went home with all his men, praising the
Lord [for his deliverance]. This transpired in the year 1225/26
(674 A. E.). Now after this the whole land became sullied through
unbelievalbe disasters and various [calamitous] events; for the
Khwarazmians, finding the land without a master, merciIessly killed
and enslaved and set on fire all the homes and dwellings in the
cities, villages, and monasteries; they also burned all the crops
and cut down the vineyards and trees, as a result of which a severe
famine ensued everywhere". A plague followed and wolves,
which had grown accustomed to human carrion now began attacking
the living. "And this calamity lasted in the land for 7 years",
SO p. 146. Step'annos does not narrate the fate of Jalal'al-Din,
and seems unaware (or takes it for granted) that the Mongols first
came to the Caucasus in pursuit of him.
Het'um the Historian relates nothing
about the episode of Jalal. This is interesting since ch.
4 of his History of the Tatars is devoted to a description
of Khwarazmia which recounts the country's borders, chief city,
[104] and religion. Grigor Aknerc'i too does not know about Jalal,
unless, with Dr. Blake, we take the following passage to be a
reference to him: "Now when this strange people [the Mongols]
learned that it was the will of God [for them] to rule over us
on the earth, they mustered troops and went against the Persians.
And they took from them a small city. Then the Persians grew strong
and took back their own and some of theirs [the Mongols' land].
Thereafter they sent out a call to wherever the Nation of the
Archers--their own people--dwelled. Once more they attacked Persia,
conquered them and seized their city and all their goods",
GA pp. 290,292.
By far the most extensive account of
the exploits of Jalal al-Din is found in the KC. Leaving aside
those portions not relevant to the Caucasus, we encounter Jalal
and some 140,000 foilowers near Dwin in Armenia: "[Then]
they reached the Mxargrceli country, for Dwin belonged to atabek
Iwane, while Ani had been given to his brother's son Shahnsah,
the mandat'urt'-uxuc'es. The Khwarazmians came in the
third year of Lasha-Georgi's death, to enslave and wreck Dwin
and the surrounding countries". Iwane and Vahram of Gag informed
Rusudan about the arrival of the foreigners, and an army was sent.
There was some enmity between Iwane
and the two Axalc'xec'i brothers, Shalva and Iwane. During the
first encounter with Jalal, atabek Iwane injured his foot
[the author attributes this to enmity]. This encounter took place
near Garhni. Thereafter Iwane refused to participate in further
combats. Apparently under his control were parts of the royal
army which he also forbade to fight. However, the T'orelis and
the two brothers did do battle with Jalal. Shalva is captured
and the Georgians flee. His brother Iwane died while hiding in
the mountains of Garhni. Shalva was killed after a year, for not
apostasizing. Atabek Iwane returned to Bjni while Jalal
went to Azarbaijan and Naxijewan whence he raided Georgia. Two
years Iater, Iwane died and his son Awag was made amirspasalar.
"[Jalal al-Din] went and destroyed
the whole country of Dwin, the k'ust of Dwin, all of Ani,
Somxit 'i, Gag as far as Ganja, Shamk'or. To that time, Samk'or
and the neighboring countries belonged to Vahram of Gag...".
Sultan Jalal al-Din learned that the
atabek and spasalar Awag was at Bjni and he urged
Awag to get queen Rusudan to consent to be his wife. Awag relayed
the proposal to Rusudan, who refused it. The jilted sultan headed
for Tiflis, destroying Somxit'i enroute (KC pp. 169-73; Mur. pp.
59-63).
176 SMP p. 328; Abu'l Fida (Nalb. trans.,
p. 230); Kirakos notes that Jalal al-Din took Tiflis with the
complicity of the resident Persians and killed those who refused
to convert to Islam. He describes the forced circumcisions and
the destruction of crosses and churches. "This occurred not
only in Tiflis, but in Ganjak, Naxijewan and elsewhere" (KG
p. 226). The gruesome account in Georgian, with many additional
details and amplificatione is found in KC pp. 64-65.
177 SMP p. 329; ~ III p. 605; Abu'1
Fida (Nalb~ p. 231); BH describes Jalal's seige and capture of
Xlat' and Van in 1229 (BH pp. 394-95); see also SA p. 149; Yov.
Yish., #388 pp. 845-46, #392 p. 857, #395 p.862, #400 p.871;
CIA v.I p.18. The KC provides information not found elsewhere:
"After so destroying Tiflis, they began laying waste, enslaving,
exterminating, and destroying Somxit'i and Kambech'ian, the borders
of Iori, K'art'li and Trialeti, Javaxet'i, Artahan, and parts
of Tao and Samc'xe, the lands around Karnip'or and Ani. This chastisement
and providential wrath continued for five years. For two years
in the beginning [the Khwarazmians] destroyed the country, then
for five years they remained in the city and destroyed the above-mentioned
countries. Excepting fasts and fortresses, there were no other
structures [left standing in the land]". KC pp. 178-79;Mur.
pp. 66-67. Eventually Jalal learned that the Mongols were approaching,
so he left Tiflis for Azarbaijan, meanwhile urging the sultan
of Xlat' the Caliph, and the sultan of Iraq to help him resist
the enemy. They declined. "...guessing that his army and
that of Atrpatakan would be unable to withstand, [Jalal al-Din]
quit Atrpatakan and again went as the fugitive to Tiflis",
KC p. 182; Mur. P. 70. Rusudan summoned her army, opened the Darial
Gates enabling northerners (probably Qipchaq Turks) to pour into
Georgia, and sent this motley group against Jalal, who was encamped
in Bolnisi valley, Somxit'i. These royal troops were put to flight
by the sultan who then went on to Tiflis, destroying", KC
pp. 182-83; Mur. p.70.
178 PT pp. 129-30; HAP III p. 605; Abu'l-Fida
(Nalb. pp. 233-24); Ibn Bibi pp. 154-74; Yov.Yish., appendix,
#11 pp. 1031-32; VT p. 75. KG's information is found in ch.
19 of his History, "Concerning the Destruction of
Sultan Jalal al-Din and His Death". According to this source,
after Jalal had defeated the ruler of Xlat', Malik-Ashraf, he
married the latter's wife, T'amt'a, who was the daughter of Iwane.
As Jalal went on to ruin other districts under the sway of 'Ala
al-Din, sultan of Rum, the latter mustered a mixed army including
Egyptians, Cilician Armenians and Franks. Supposedly, although
there were less than a thousand Cilician Armenians and Franks,
it was due to their valour that Jalal al-Din's army was routed,
KG pp. 228-29.
"Now sultan Jalal al-Din returned
to the land of Aghbania to the fruitful and fertile Mughan plain,
in great shame. He encamped there and wanted to assemble an army.
However the T'at'ars who had expelled him from his own country
as a fugitive pursued him and chased him as far as Amit' (Amida),
where they ferociously struck his forces. The impious prince died
in that very battle. But some say he went on foot thence as a
fugitive, and that a man chanced upon him and recognized him as
the one who had earlier slain one of his relations, and so killed
him to avenge his relative's blood. Thus did the evil one die,
wickedly". KG p. 230.
179 SMP p. 335; KG pp. 229-30 (see note
1 above); VA: "After committing many crimes, he turned upon
Xlat', took it, and enriched with booty went to Rum against sultan
'Ala al-Din and Malik-Ashraf. However he suffered a great defeat
in battle and fled with a few [followersj to Mughan, that plain
so suited for all human and animal needs. Then the T'at'ars--who
had thrown him out of his country earlier--fell upon him suddenly
and thence put him to flight to Amida. Either he died inadvertently
while fleeing, or he fell to the T'at'ar sword, or else, as is
said, one of[Jalal's] own people whose relation
had been killed summarily was disgruntled on this account and
also because of the uncomfortable movings about of [the army]
which he had caused. And so vengeance was exacted for the blood
of the innocent that had been spilled" (VA pp. 143-44).
The KC: "Hearing this [news of
the capture of Ganjak by the Mongols], the sultan hurriedly arose
with his family and fled to Rum. Meanwhile the Tatars were pursuing
him and reached Basen. As soon as [the Khwarazmian army] saw
the coming of [the Mongols], they scattered. The sultan even
was left alone. He reached some insignificant village and fell
asleep under the trees. By chance, someone saw him and killed
him. The sultan's belt, saddle and quiver were adorned with great
gems for which that lofty and renowned ruler was slain....When
the Khwarazmians dispersed, many fled to Garmian while sultan
Jalal al-Din was killed. With this, the great kingdom essentially
was ended" (KC p. 185; Mur. pp. 71-72). Abu'l-Fida (Nalb.
pp. 233-34) claims that the murderers were Kurdish brigands.
180 SO p. 146; Ibn Bibi describes the
problems caused by the lingering Khwarazmian troops to the settled
Saljuq rulers (pp. 178-84). He mentions an invasion by the sultan
of Egypt in 1232 which was aided by the malik of Xarberd
(pp.184-190). The leaderless, dispersed Khwarazmians
served as mercenaries in the armies
of different rulers (pp. 220-22). According to BH, some 10,000
Khwarazmians were settled by 'Ala' al-Din, but he does not say
where (BH p. 397).
BH speaks of the Mongols invading the
Xarberd area of southern Armenia around 1230. These were most
likely detachments returning from the pursuit of Jalal al-Din:
"Then a legion of the Tatars invaded the country of the fortress
of Zaid [Xarberd] and it came on as far as the Euphrates, which
is in Melitene, and it crossed the plain of Hanazit. And because
the whole population through their terror had fled to the places
and towns which were disaffected and the fortresses, there was
not much destruction. And those Tatars went back and ruled over
Adhorbijan and Shaharzur, and they subjugated the Iberians also"
(BH 396~97). Ibn Bibi (pp. 175-78) speaks of Mongols raiding
as far as Sebastia/Sivas in 1230.
In the period from 1230 to the reappearance
of the Mongols in western Armenia, the situation there was hardly
stable. BH records that the fortress-cities of Xarberd and Xlat'
constantly were passing back and forth among Muslim rivals (BH
pp. 400-401). In the early 1230's we see Armenians and Georgians
fighting in the armies of the Saljuq sultan in Palestine (BH p.
400). The same author records a famine in western Armenia around
1234 (BH p. 401). In the late 1230's, Khwarazmian remnants still
were powerful enough to give sultan Ghiyath al-Din problems, ravaging
Samosata and Xarberd (BH p. 403;VT p. 77); Armenian colophons
also speak of Mongol raids in western Armenia prior to 1236. See
Yov.Yish., #403 p. 878, #405 pp. 882-83.
181 HAP III pp. 606-607; SEPHA p. 103;
CAMA p. 360; Kirakos' History contains considerable information
on the conquest of parts of Caucasia prior to the submission of
certain princes. After noting the establishment of the Mongols
in Mughan, he commences in ch . 21 with an account of the capture
and destruction of Ganjak, a city then densely settled with Muslim
Persians:
"Immediately the T'at'ar army arrived
and beseiged Ganjak on all sides, battling it with numerous war
machines. They struck the orchard which surrounded the city. Then
they demolished the city wall using catapults on all sides. [diss.
P. 109] [109] However, none of the enemy entered the city. They
simply remained there, fully armed, for a week guarding it"
(KG p. 236). Many of the residents then burned down their houses
and killed themselves. "When the enemy observed this, they
became furious and put everyone to
the sword: man, woman, and child. And
no one escaped them but for a small brigade, armed and fully prepared
which broke through one part of the wall at night and fled. Some
few dregs were also spared and tortured to reveal where the treasures
were kept. Then they killed some of them and took the rest captive. They
then dug through the charred homes and removed whatever/whomever
they found there. And they were occupied with this for many days,
and then departed.
"The T'at'ars then circulated through all the districts around the city to dig up and hunt for goods and wares. They discovered many things made of gold, silver, copper, and iron, as well as various garments which had been hidden in cellars and subterranean chambers.
'" And so the city remained desolate
for four years. They then commanded that it be rebuilt, and a
few people slowly assembed there and rebuilt it, except for the
wall.
Ch. 22. Concerning the Destruction
of the Lands of Armenia and Georgia by the Same Army. "A
few years after the destruction of Ganjak this fanatical and wily
army divided up by lot all the lands of Armenia, Georgia, and
Aghbania, each chief according to his importance receiving cities,
districts, lands and fortresses in order to take, demolish and
ruin them. And each went to his allotted area with his wives,
sons and army baggage, where he remained without a care, polluting
and eating all the green plants with camels and livestock"
(KG pp. 236-37). Kirakos then notes that Georgia was in a weakened
condition as a result of the misrule of Rusudan whom he characterizes
as a lascivious woman. "Rusudan exercised the authority through
the ' comrnanders Iwane and his son Awag;Shahnshah, son of Zak
are; Vahram [of Gag] and others". Iwane died and his position
was taken by Awag. "And since they were unable to withstand
that great blizzard [of Mongols] which had come, they all betook
themselves to fortresses, wherever
they were able. The Mongols spread throughout
the plains, mountains, and valleys like a multitude of locusts
or like torrential rains pouring down on the land" (KG pp.
237-38).
182 CAMA p. 361.
183 HAP III pp. 607-609; SEPHA pp.
104-105; 107-108; CAMA pp. 361--63; KG pp. 239-50; VA p. 145;
GA pp. 294,296; KC 186-87, Mur. pp. 72-73. For translations of
these passages see the notes to ch. 3.
184 HAP III p. 610; SEPHA p. 107; CAMA
p. 362; Yov.Yish., pp. 909-911, #416 p. 917; #422 p. 936; KG:
The submission of a few eastern Armenian princes did not bring
a halt to the Mongols' conquering activity.
Chormaghun took Awag and his troops and marched against Ani. First
he sent envoys telling the people to surrender. "Those who
were the principals of the city did not dare respond to [Chormaghun's]
message without asking prince Shahnshah, since the city was under
his authority. Now the mob in the city with the rhamiks
(rabble) killed Chormaghun's delegation". Chormaghun battled
with seige machinery and took the city, generally killing the
population "sparing only a few women and children and some
artisans whom they led into captivity, Then they entered the city,
took all the goods and possessions, looted all the churches, ruined
and destroyed the whole city and corrupted the glory of its comeliness"(KG
p. 258).
In ch. 28 Kirakos describes the sack
of Kars. Kars surrendered its keys, "but because the T'at'ars
were anxious for booty and feared no one, they did there the same
as they had done in Ani...
"The same army also took the city
of Surb Mari [Surmalu] which several years earlier Shahnshah and
Awag had taken from the Taciks. And while [the inhabitants] were
yet licking their wounds, suddenly a certain one of the nobles
named Ghara Bahatur came upon them with many troops and
quickly took the city, ravishing all that he found in it"
(KG p. 260).
185 HAP III p. 610; SEPHA p. 107.
186 See pp. 63-64 above.
187 HAP III p. 611; SEPHA p. 109; PT
p. 137; Ibn Bibi describes how the rulers of Xlat' and Erzerum
were arguing over money for hiring mercenaries to defend themselves
(Ibn Bibi pp. 222-37); BH describes the taking of Erzerum p. 406).
During 1242 the Mongols looted as far south as Xarberd (BH pp.
406-407), KG: "As soon as Baiju assumed authority he forthwith
mustered troops from all the peoples under his domination and
went to that part of Armenia under the domination of the sultan
of Rum". He beseiged Karin and invited the city to surrender.
Receiving a negative reply, Baiju broke down the walls with seige
machinery and destroyed the city. "And at that time the city
was very heavily populated being filled not only with Christians
and Tachiks, but all the people from the whole district had assembled
there [for protection].
"In the city were countless holy
gospels [belonging to] the great and the small. The foreigners
took these and sold the expensive ones to the Christians in their
army cheaply. In glee they spread through each district, dividing
up the churches and monasteries. May Christ reward the Christian
princes Awag, Shahnshah, Vahram's son Aghbugha, pious Dop's son
Grigor Xach'enc'i, and their troops. For these princes bought
out of slavery as many men, women, and children, bishops, priest
and deacons as was possible" (KG pp. 279-80); GA pp. 307,
309.
188 See A.G. Galstyan's Armenian article
in PBH #1(1964) and the English translation of it "The First
Armeno-Mongol Negotiations" in the Armenian Review vol.
XXIX (1976) pp. 26-37 [Hereafter FAMN] pp. 27-29; SEPHA pp. 110-11.
BH p. 407 describes the battle of Chmankatuk, as does Abu'l-Fida
(Nalb. p. 234). Ibn Bibi describes the defeat, and the subsequent
"unfriendliness" of the Cilician Armenians in surrendering
the sultan's refugee mother to the Mongols (Ibn Bibi pp. 222-37).
KG: "The sultan had left his usual
place and had come to that part of Armenia which was under his
domination, hard by a village called Ch'man-katuk.
"General Baiju, consistent with
his deep knowledge, divided his soldiers into many fronts, putting
foremost those under the brave conimanders while the foreign troops
composed of various nationalities who had come with them he divided
so that they would not work any treachery" (KG p. 282); Vardan
Arewelc'i's account of the taking of western Armenia is quite
brief, mentioning neither the Armeno-Georgian auxiliaries nor
the tactics used in battle: "88. Now in the year 1243 Baiju-noyin
replaced the authority of Chormaghun and took the city of Karin,
taking thence Umek, a man venerable, wealthy (mecatun)
and fearful of the Lord, as well as his relations, the sons of
paron Yohann, Step'annos and his five brothers. In 1244
Baiju conquered the whole territory of Rum and the notable cities,
first Caesarea, then Sebastia [whose people] were spared destruction
since they had submitted early, then Erznka which was mercilessly
destroyed and enslaved, for it had resisted. [The Mongols also
took] many lands and districts where especially the Armenian people
[were to] dwell in distress" (VA p. 147).
GA: "The commander of the army
was Baiju-noyin, a man successful in battle, achieving
many victories wherever he met resisters. But the causes of victory
were the Armenian and Georgian princes who were in the front lines
and launched themselves with a mighty blow against the enemy.
Then, after them, came the T'at'ars, with bow and arrow".
Georgians were not only fighting on the Mongols' side. Aknerc'i
notes that the son of Shalue, who had been with the sultan of
Rum for a long time, fought in the sultan's army. "When the
battle waxed fierce, the courageous and renowned son of Shalue
put to flight the T'at'ars and killed many of them". Aknerc'i
also praises the fighting ability of Aghbugha, son of Vahram,
grandson of Plu Zak'are, fighting on the Mongols' side. At nightfall
[diss. p.114] the battle of Chmankatuk ended. The next morning
the Mongols discovered that Ghiyath al-Din had fled GA pp. 307-309).
Het'um's unusual account of the taking
of eastern Asia Minor shows numerous marks of a writer not well
acquainted with the details. In ch. 18, "Regarding
Ogedei, Second Khan of the Tatars" he recounts a number of
Mongol battles with "the Turks", but Het'um appears
to have merged Jalal al-Din with the sultan of Rum. After 10,000
Mongols were put to flight by the Turks, Ogedei sent general Baiju
(Payton) "with 30,000 Tatar soldiers called damak
or reconnaissance troops...Now when Baiju with the 30,000 soldiers
reached the kingdom of the Turks, travelling day by day, he learned
that the sultan from whom the first Tatars had fled had died,
and that his son named K'iadati (?Ghiyath ) had suceeeded him.
When the former heard about the coming of the Tatars he was horrified
and summoned as many mercenary troops as he could from foreigners
and from the Latins. He had in his service among others, 2,000
Latins led by two commanders named Yohanes Liminad from Cyprus,
and the other, Vonipakios born in Genoa. [The Turkish sultan]
also sent to neighboring sultans promising anyone who came favors
and gifts. And thus gathering a great multitude of warriors, he
went to the place where the Tatars were encamped. However the
Tatars were in no way disturbed. Instead they valliantly waged
war as far as Konsedrak. In the end the Tatars were the victors
and the Turks were defeated in a masterly fashion. In this way
the Tatars captured the kingdom of the Turks in the year of 0ur
Lord 1244 (Het'um pp. 40-41).
The KC relates the conquest of western
Armenia and the sending to the Mongols by Rusudan of her son David
as events occurring simultaneously. Queen Rusudan sent as messengers
to the Mongols Shahnsah, Awag, Vahram, and the erist'av
(duke) of Heret'i, Shota, "while the queen was sending her
son [to the Mongols], they had decided to campaign against the
great sultan Ghiyath al-Din, by origin a Saljuq, master of Rum,
to subjugate him. They sent Baiju-noyin who took with him
the very greatest princes of Georgia. When they reached the countries
of Sebastia and Erznka, they started to loot". The sultan
approached the Mongols with an army of 400,000 (!) commanded by
two Georgians, "Sharvarshis-je of Abxazia called Dard who
had great renown from the very first for his bravery and had remained
firm in the faith; and with him was P'ardavlay son of Shalva Axalc'ixeli-T'oreli,
who had fled to the sultan and was a brave man renowned in warfare"
(KC pp. 191-92; Mur. pp. 76-77). The KC then describes the boasting
of Mongol subject Sargis Jaghel, Ghvarghvare's grandson before
Baiju. The Georgians were all appointed as advance-attackers.
"Now the Georgians fought better and more bravely than any.
A fierce battle ensued and countless men were killed on the sultan's
side, including Sharvarshis-je called Dard Abxaz, their general.
The sultan's army took to flight and the Tatars and Georgians
pursued, killing numberless warriors and taking captives, But
Axalc'ixel was killed by the sultan for revenge against the Georgians...The
Georgians and Tatars swelled up with all sorts of extraordinary
cloths and clothing, and so many horses, asses and camels that
it is impossible to count them" (KC p. 194; Mur. p. 78).
189 HAP III p. 611; SEPHA p.110; PT
p. 138; BH described the taking of Sebastia/Sivas: "And they
came to Sebastia, and the people who were therein made terms with
them, and they brought out much gold and bought their own souls
from slaughter, and their sons and daughters from slavery. And
the Tatars went into the city, and sacked the royal treasuries,
and whatsoever pleased them they took, and the weapons of war
they burned, and they wrecked four (or forty) cubits of the [top
of the] wall all round the city.
"And another chief went to Caesarea,
and the inhabitants thereof did not wish to surrender it. Then
they all gathered together against it, and they breached its wall
with engines of war, and they went in, and sacked the royal treasuries,
and burned the wonderful houses and buildings. And they tortured
the nobles and the free men, and they stabbed them with swords
until they had stripped them of all their money. And after that
they killed therein many tens of thousands of people, and carried
off the young men and the young women into captivity" (BH
p. 407). The same author provides unique information on the taking
of Melitene/Malatya (BH pp. 408-409) See also Ibn Bibi (pp. 222-37),
Yov. Yish., #436 pp. 959-60; #437 p. 961; VT p. 84.
KG pp. 282-84: GA: "And then the
next day [after Chmankatuk] filled with great joy, they attacked
the land of Rum. First they took Erznka and left shahna
(guards). Then they took Caesarea and wrought much bloodshed in
it because the town did not surrender, but resisted the Tatars
in battle. For there was much cavalry stationed in it, and it
was filled with goods. They did not surrender the town willingly,
so the wily Tat'ar army took it by treachery, generally killing
off the grandees and, mercilessly did they capture the lesser
folk with all their goods. Once more they took Konya and Axshar
with all the greatest villages and monasteries. Then they attacked
Sewast and took it, warring. But they did not kill them, rather
they took their goods as booty" (GA pp. 307-309).
190 HAP III p. 612; SEPHA p. 111; KG
pp. 292-93.
191 See following page, note 192.
192 HAP III ch. 36 pp. 614-27 L. H.
Babayan, "Hayastane mongholakan tirapetut'yan arhajin
shrjanum [Armenia in the first Period of the Mongol Domination]",
p. 617; SEPHA pp. 119-26; Kirakos has a number of valuable remarks
about early Mongol administrative-fiscal policies in Armenia and
Georgia prior to Arghun's census of 1243/44. When speaking about
the battle for certain eastern Armenian fortresses in 1236, he
says: "Meanwhile the army of foreigners battled with the
fortresses. Those inside them unwillingly provided the Mongols
with horses, livestock and whatever else they demanded. The Mongols
placed taxes over them and left them in their name" (KG p.
243). Ch. 24 describes the capture of Vanakan vardapet
and his student, the author himself. When the Mongols were beseiging
the cave where Vanakan was holed up. the following message was
relayed: "From outside the enemies shouted: 'Why do you want
to die? Come out to us, we shall give you overseers and leave
you in your places'. They repeated this a second and third time,
with pledges" (KG p. 244). Upon the conclusion of Molar-noyin's
interview with Vanakan "Molar-noyin ordered him to
bring down the people of the fortress there fearlessly and he
promised that each would be left in his place with his overseers
and that he would build villages and fields (agaraks)
in his name" (KG p. 246), Some of the captives, however,
such as Kirakos and Vanakan, were not "left in their places"
: "...Then they selected men from among us who could go about
with them. The rest they ordered taken to the monastery and to
the village and left their overseers there so that no one else
would search them" (KG p. 248). That same year (1236) the
Mongols took Lorhi whose prince, Shahnshah had fled: "They
discovered the treasures of prince Shahnshah which those obedient
to him had taken and robbed, and the T'at'ars constructed there
a sturdy treasury which no one could see, since they made the
mouth of the pit narrow enough that it was sufficient only for
casting treasure in, but not for taking anything out" (KG
p. 253). "...Then they came to Sebastia and since the inhabitants
of the city had surrendered in advance--coming out to them with
gifts and presents--no one was blamed, although a part of the
city was looted. Conquering the city in their own name they set
up overseers and left" (KG p. 283). VA and SO have nothing
to say on this topic.
Grigor Aknerc'i's first mention of an
administrative deed [diss. p. 118] follows the agreement of the
princes to pay the mal and tagar taxes and to contribute
soldiers to the army: "The Tat'ars, agreeing to this, left
off killing and destroying the land. They then returned to their
place, the Mughan country. However, they left a chief named Ghara
Bugha to demolish all the country's fortresses which they had
taken. They destroyed to the foundations the impregnable fortresses
built by the Taciks at great cost" (GA p. 296). While in
Mughan, the three commanders Chormaghun, Benal and Mular held
a quriltai at night with the latter two urging the killing
of all the population in a new expeditions. Chormaghun, however,
urged peace: "There has been enough destruction and killing
in the land. Let it remain cultivated (shen). They can
cultivate it, giving half for us to live on, from the vineyards
and fields, and keeping half for themselves" (GA p. 298).
Mysteriously, the next day, two of the warlike commanders were
found dead. Chormaghun the survivor, went to "Chingiz"
and and explained. The Khan mentions that it is God's will for
the Mongols to take the world, maintain order, impose the yasax
and collect ghzghu, mal taghar, and ghp'ch'ur taxes.
They gave Chormaghun his wife Aylt'ana khatun and sent
him back to the Caucasus, to Mughan, with 110 chiefs.
"Then they held a quiriltai
(xurhut'ay) and a great council at Chormaghun's order, and
they divided the countries among the 110 chieftains. Dividing
the land into three parts, one group went north, one south and
one directly through the country...
"Now the names of those chieftains
who remained in the middle of the country were: Asut'u-noyin
who was the oskr (? "bone", "relative")
of the Khan; Chaghatay who was called khan; Sanit'ay; another
junior Chaghatay; Bach'u-noyin (Baiju) whom they
placed as the head of all the troops; Asar-noyin; Hut''t'
u-noyin; T 'ut 'tu-noyin; Awgawt 'ay-noyin;
Xojar-noyin; Xurumch'i-noyin; Xunan-noyin;
T'enal-noyin.; Angurag-noyin.
"These same 11 chiefs divided amongst
themselves the land of Georgia and Aghbania, mountain and plain.
And they brought the great House of Chormaghun to Ganjak shahastan
which previously was destroyed but later restored"(GA p.
302).
Aknerc'i next describes the capture
of Vanakan, the destruction of Karin/Erzerum, the victory of Chmantakuk
and following that the capture of Erzinjan "where they left
shahna (guards)" (GA p. 310), the destruction of Caesarea,
and the capture of Konya and Axsar. "Then they attacked Sebastia
and took it by seige, but they did not kill the population. Rather,
they took their belongings as booty, counted the men, imposed
their customary mal and t'aghar taxes, left shahna
and-chieftains for the country of Rum" , and returned to
Azarbaijan (GA p. 312).
According to the KC, the first administrative move made by the Mongols occurred after Awag's submission. "He went to Chormaghun, Chaghatai, Bich'o (Baiju?) and Yusur
who saw [him] and honored him, became intimately acquainted and appointed guards for [his] cities. In their language these are called shan". Subsequently Shahnshah submitted:
"They appointed guards for the
interior of the country" (KC p. 190; Mur. p. 75). The capture
and killing of the disobedient continued until finally Iwane C'ixisjvarel-Jagheli
submitted: "Iwane went and met Chaghatai who received him
with honor and appointed guards for the country.
"When they had secured the entire
land in this fashion, they divided it among the four rulers (noyins)
as well as (=included in the division) all the erist'avs
(dukes), their incomes and taxes which they took and sent. In
this way the country began to be pacified, gradually" (KC
p. 191; Mur. P. 76).
The subsequent chronology here seems to be somewhat confused. The KC next describes the campaign against Ghiyath al-Din, adding: "while the queen was sending
her son [to the Mongols]...harassed
by the fighting [and after the capture of Konya], the sultan requested
peace and promised to pay heavy and great taxes, and giving many
gifts, huge gems, pearls, he calmed them down and requested guards.
And for a certain time they would have no sultan until the best
was chosen" (KC pp. 194-95; Mur. pp. 77-78).
193 HAP III p. 620; CAMA pp. 365-66;
VT pp. 88,91. KG's information is found in his ch. 44:
"As soon as Khan Guyuk took control of the great kingdom
of the T'at'ar army in their own land, he forthwith sent out tax-collectors
to his troops in various lands and regions which they had subdued,
to take 1/10th (tasanord) of all the military property
as well as taxes from the districts and kingdoms conquered by
them: from the Persians, Tachiks, Armenians, Georgians, Aghbanians,
and from all peoples under them" (KG pp. 311--12). The chiefs
of the tax-collectors were Arghhun and Buqa, the latter even confiscating
goods from a terrified Mongol nobility: "Yet no one dared
say anything to him for he had assembled brigands from among the
Persians and Tachiks who mercilessly performed deeds of cruelty
and were especially inimical toward the Christians.
"Therefore they provoked him against
the pious prince Hasan Jalal. [Buqa] seized him in the great court,
before all the nobles and subjected him to numerous punishments.
He demolished Hasan's inaccessible fortresses: the one called
in Persian Xoyaxana, Ded, Ciranak'ar and his other fortresses.
And they so levelled them that not even a trace appeared that
anything had ever been built there. Taking much gold and silver
from [Hasan] they barely spared his life. The great nobility (mecamec
awagani) could do nothing to help him, so thrown into fear
were all the spectators" (KG p. 313). Buqa also planned to
seize the prince of princes Awag, but the great nobility (presumably
Mongol nobllity) urged him to visit Buqa with his large personal
army, saying: "Should [Buqa] happen to seize you, then you
attack him". Seeing Awag's troops the frightened Buqa asked:
"What is that multitude of soldiers for? Could it be that
you are rebelling from the Khan and have come to kill us"?
Buqa then spoke to Awag of peace, while simultaneously plotting
against him. But before Buqa was able to actualize his designs,
he died of disease (KG p. 314).
Grigor Aknerc'i does not mention the
census of 1243 directly. However, describing the taking of Sebastia/Sivas
in 1244 he writes: "But they did not kill them, rather took
their treasures as booty and registered the populace and imposed
taxes on them according to their custom, the mal and t'aghar.
And leaving shahna (guards) and chiefs in the land of Rum..."
(GA p. 312).
194 HAP III pp. 620-22; SEPHA pp. 131-32;
CAMA p. 366; In chp 47, "Concerning the Destruction Wrought
by the T'at'ars in Georgia", Kirakos narrates the princes'
rebellion of 1249/50: "While the land was recovering a little
from the raids and plunderings stirred up by the earth-consuming
fire...the princes deprived and robbed the poor, and from this
extortion they bought expensive clothing and they dressed, ate,
drank, and boasted greatly as is the arrogant custom of Georgia
" (KG p. 318). Kirakos rebukes those who "do not learn
from the past", and he considers the instigator of the rebellion
to be Satan. "...Suddenly all the nobility of the T'at'ar
army held a council, armed, and wanted universally to ravage the
lands of Armenia and Georgia, [lands] obedient to them, because
the Georgian [diss. p. 121] king wanted to rebel with all the
princes, and [the Mongols] were recruiting to come and destroy
them, since it was apparent that all the princes were going for
a levee to the king of Georgia, Dawit', in Tiflis.
"And while they were drinking wine,
their spirits rose and an immature man among them said: 'Having
such a multitude of troops, why do we serve [the Mongols]? Come,
let us fall upon them suddenly, destroy and exterminate them,
and we shall have our lands'.
"The great prince Awag intercepted
this plot. And the T'at'ar army happening to be in the place was
informed about it, and the army notified its chiefs.
"As soon as the forces of the princes
each went to its own place thus armed, they [the Mongols] wanted
generally to destroy everyone. The princes they found with them,
they arrested and to those who were not there they sent summons
for them to come in haste...
"...One of the senior leaders,
general Chaghatai, head of the entire army and a friend of Awag,
came amidst the armed troops and said to them: 'We have no order
from the Khan to kill those who are obedient to us, stand in service
to us, and pay taxes to the Khan. And the reality of their rebellion
is not certain. But if we destroy them without cause you will
be responsible to the Khan'. Hearing this they ceased following
the matter.
"The mother of Awag, named Xoshak,
went to them to assure them of her son's loyalty to them and that
he soon would be coming--which in fact happened, since prince
Awag quickly came up and demonstrated his intimacy with them by
many testimonies.
"King Dawit' and the other princes arrived. [The Mongols] bound all of them tightly, according to their custom, hand and foot, with thin cords. They left them bound thus
for three days, ridiculing and insulting
them for their arrogance and rebellious plans. And they took all
[the rebels'] horses, put a price on their heads, and left them.
[The Mongols] attacked Georgia, falling upon many districts of
the rebels and non-rebels. They cut down many people and took
even more captive, a countless multitude of men, women, and children
they drowned in the river. And this took place in 1249/50 (698
A.E.)" (KG pp. 319-20).
VA:"...For a census was conducted
in 1243/44 by which they worked deeds worthy of lamentation and
tears not merely for [the sake of] rational animals, but for dumb
animals, mountains and plains, which were watered with blood and
tears. This same lamentation was repeated in 1249/50 because Baiju
and the other nobles got wind of the presumptuousness and rebelliousness
of the king and the princes of Georgia. King Dawit' was arrested
as were other grandees; they were bound and sentenced to death,
though they were spared by concern from On High. Nonetheless,
countless numbers were killed and enslaved, villages and fields
[were destroyed], and they disgraced women in Armenia--but more
so in Georgia" (VA pp. 147-48).
[diss. p. 122] Aknerc'i's narration
of the rebellion is found in his ch. IX. Like Kirakos,
Aknerc'i noted that it was a Georgian custom to boast: "Now
one of the Georgian princes counted the other princes in front
of the king and declared the number of princes to be 1000. And
some of the princes had 1000 horsemen for battle, while some had
500. The news of this spread throughout the entire kingdom, while
they carelessly ate and drank. When they had
counted and taken stock of the Armenian
and Georgian forces, they said that their side would vanquish
the T'at'ar troops. And they divided the chiefs amongst themselves.
But this was not spoken straightforwardly, rather, in jest, for
they were at leisure and free from care, and there
was no enemy in the eastern land besides
the Tat'ars who kept coming and through taxation harassing the
Georgian and Armenian princes. From some they demanded gold cloth,
from some falcons, from some aghek ("well-bred")
dogs and horses. And in this way they harassed them over and above
the mal, t'aghar and xalan" (GA p. 320).
Aknerc'i says that a certain unnamed traitorous prince went and
informed the Mongols.
"Now they, believing these false
words, turned against the land, taking as plunder all the goods
and flocks. But they did not kill people, [being] without orders
from the great Khan. They seized the king and all the princes
of the nation, while they even took to the court of the chieftain
the great prince of Georgia, Awag, At'abak Iwvane's son,
on a litter, since he had fallen ill in those days and was unable
to ride a horse. Although the other princes and the king spoke
a great deal, they did not believe them, and did not cease making
captives and looting the land. But when they took Awag on a litter
to the court of the Tat'ar chieftain(s) he spoke and was believed;
they left off destroying the land and made peace with the terrified
and pitiful Christians" (GA p. 322).
Step'annos 0rbelean omits any reference
to the princes' rebellion. The account in the KC for the period
1243-50 is extremely confused chronologically. Dating, as usual,
is absent, and beyond this, many events are telescoped. The chronicler
laments the confused state of affairs foll- owing the death of
queen Rusudan in 1247. During this time, the Georgian army was
obliged to fight each year against the Assassins at Alamut, to
fulfill military service to the Mongols. Furthermore, with the
country kingless, Turks began attacking the Vagharshkert area.
Then, with Georgia in confusion, the Georgian princes assembled
at Koxtast'avi, complaining about their yearly fighting obligations
at Alamut. They decided to rebel against the Mongols. Present
were Egarslan, Dadiani, Vahram of Gag, Ghvarghvare, Shot'a Kupar,
T'orghan, the Her-Kaxet'i's, the K'art'lec'is, Gamerkel T'oreli,
Sargis T'mogveli, the Meshxs and people of Tao. However the noyins
Baiju and Angurag arrested those at Koxta and sent them to Shirakavan,
where Chormaghun had them bound. They claimed they had assembled
to pay the kharaj tax. But they were not released until
one of the instigators, C'otne Dadiani, came all the way fron
Abxazia voluntarily, and repeated the same story (KC pp. 211-16;
Mur. pp. 90-94).
195 SMP pp. 339-40.
196 HAP III p. 625; VA p. 148 merely
mentions the census. Aknerc'i provides information not met with
in the other Armenian sources: "In one small village [the
Mongols) counted 30 or 50 men all from 15 to 60 years of age.
They took 60 spitaks from each person counted. When they
captured one who had fled or hid, they cruelly tied his hands
back and beat him with green rods until his body was all cut and
caked with blood. Then they pitilessly let loose their ferocious
dogs, which they had trained to eat human flesh, and they let
them devour the miserable and impoverished Christians" (GA
p. 325). The KC, though somewhat confused, has a passage which
appears to relate to the census of 1254. It characterizes Arghun,
strangely, as a just, honest adviser, quite the opposite of the
Armenian sources. First Arghun was sent to the domains of Batu,
north of the Caucasus: "to survey and record those soldiers
and warriors who had gone with the senior and junior noyins
campaigning, and to stipulate according to their worth the uluf,
which is a gift for those who have taken to the road and recompense
for horse and saddle" (KC p. 234; Mur. p. l07). Arghun
then went to Qubilai-Khan in China where he engaged in the same
work. "When he reached Hulegu-Khan, the latter received hm
with honor and sent him to Georgia to king David, then on to Rum
to survey all of his holdings. When Arghun reached Georgia, all
the inhabitants of David's kingdom were greatly menaced. They
started surveying people and beasts fields, and plants, vineyards
and vegetable gardens. From [each] 9 land-owning peasants it was
ordered that 1 soldier should be provided. Thus David's kingdom
provided by census to the Tatars 9 dumans, which is 9 x
10,000. [From each] village they stipulated gifts: to the Thousander
one lamb and one drahkan (?);
to the Ten Thousander, one sheep and two drahkan; or the
horseman (?) 3 tetris daily (=a silver coin). He so stipulated
and then went to Rum, Baghdad, and everywhere" (KC pp. 234-35;
Mur. pp. 107-108).
197 KG pp. 362-63: "ew zamenayn
aruestagets, et'e i k'aghak's ew et'e i giwghs, zamenayn i harki
kac'uc'in. Ayl ew zcovaks, ew zlichs jknorsac', ew zerkat'ahans,
ew zdarbins, ew zshparars...ew ink'eank' miayn shahein. Ew zamenayn
aghahansn arhin, or I Koghb ew or yayl koghmans koghmans.
"Na ew i vacharakanac' bazum
inch' shaheal, kutec'in ganjs sastiks oskwoy ew arcat'oy ew akanc'
patuakanac'. Ew ayspes zamenesin sghac'uc'eal ew vayiw ew ashxarov
lc'eal zashxarhs, t'oghin ch'ar ostikans I veray ashxarhac's znoyn
pahanjeal yamenayn ami, novin hamarov ew grov".
198 HAP III pp. 614-16; SEPHA pp. 155-59.
199 CAMA p. 366; PT pp. 275-76; Bar
Hebraeus describes Hulegu's entourage (BH p. 419) and Baiju's
move (BH p.424). In 1256 the Melitene/Malatya area was attacked
by Turkmens (BH p. 425) as well as by Baiju (BH pp. 426-27). The
same author (p. 427) reports cannibalism in that city; KG p. 375;
GA: "After this, when the year 706 A.E. (=1257/58) had come,
there arrived from the East, where the great Khan was, 7 of the
Khan's sons, each with a duman of cavalry and a duman
is 30,000 [incorrect. The duman was 10,000]. They were
named as follows: the first and greatest of them was Hulawu, who
was a brother of Manku khan. The second, Xul, called himself the
brother of God and was not ashamed. The third was Balaxe, the
fourth Tut'ar, the fifth, T'agudar, the sixth, Ghataghan, and
the seventh, Bawraghan. They were in disagreement amongst themselves,
but were very fearless and eaters of men. On their journey they
all came and travelled about in wagons, while they levelled the
mountains and hills of the eastern country to facilitate the movement
of their wagons and carts" (GA p. 327). 0f the leaders mentioned
by GA, Xul it seems became a bandit and attacked certain monasteries
in "the interior of the country". The monastery of Geret'i
is mentioned especially (GA pp. 327, 329, 331).
KC: "Hulegu arrived in Atrpatakan
with 60, 000 troops. Learning about this, the noyins Chormaghun,
Yusur, Baiju, and Angurak went to meet him, taking with them all
the nobles of Georgia, especially Egarslan, to whom the entire
Georgian nobility submitted, as if to a king. They met in Atrpatakan.
Two [bodies] of Tatars were [thus] assembled: those who had come
there before [i.e., at the time of the conquest of the Caucasus],
who were called t'amber, and those who had come with Hulegu-Khan...
"They came to the place known as
Ala-Tagh [east of Lake Van in southern historical Armenia]. All
his subjects came before him. He sat on the throne of the Khanate
and they congratulated him according to their custom and called
him Khan..." (KC pp. 222-23; Mur. p. 98).
200 KG: "To this Khan [Hulegu]
went the very greatest chiefs from Batu's region: Ghul, Balagha,
Tuthar, Ghataghan, for everyone honored Hulegu like a Khan. They
obeyed him and feared him" (KG p. 377); KC: "During
the same period other khane sent their sons to these parts. Called
koun, they were: Batu's son Tur, Chaghatai-Khan's son Ushan,
Ghul, and from the T'ul clan, Bolgha, in order that the khans'
sons rule the lands they arrived in and also take the taxes. Ogedei-Khan's
grandson Hulegu, brother of Qubilai-Khan had come forth and was
here [in the Caucasus]. When Hulegu saw these three kouns
he received them and gave them the lands due, and thus did they
remain in peace" (KC pp. 223-24; Mur. p. 99).
201 CAMA pp. 367-68.
202 On the participation of Caucasian
nobles in Il-Khanid warfare, see ch. 3.
203 HAP III, ch. 37, "Hayastane
Hulavyan ishxanut'yan tirapetut'yan nerk'o [Armenia under
Huleguid Domination]" by L. H. Babayan, pp. 628-44, pp. 630-31;
SEPHA pp. 137-39. Kirakos' information is found in his ch. 63,
"Concerning the Death of Pious Prince Jalal": "Now
the king of Georgia, [diss. 129] Dawit', son of Lasha, who was
subject to the T'at'ars, was placed into straits and wearied by
the numerous and impossibly heavy taxes demanded of him, of all
the princes, and of all the lands, which they could not bear,
He left his city Tiflis, his throne, and everything he owned and
fled to the depths of Ap'xazia and the fortresses of Suanet'ia.
With him went many other great princes of districts who were harassed
and harried, bankrupt, and who had mortgaged cities and districts
but were still unable to satiate the evil leech-like appetite
[of the Mongols]. So fraught, Dawit' fled, but he was unable to
take with him his wife queen Gonc'a and his newborn son Demetre.
He took along only his first born son Giorgi" ( KG p.389
).
Arghun pursued him, but was unable to
catch up. He destroyed and enslaved many Georgian districts, destroying
the mauaolea of the kings at Gelat'i and the kat'oghikosate
at Acghor. Suddenly some 400 Georgian cavalry appeared and scared
off the Mongols. "And Arghun became frightened and dared
not so brasenly enter and search places. He returned to Hulegu
planning wickedness in his heart. He seized the Georgian queen
Gonc'a, her daughter Xoshak, the great prince Shahnshah, Hasan
Jalal the lord of Xach'en and many others because of debts and
taxes [owed]. These people gave much treasure and barely saved
their lives" (KG p. 390). However Hasan Jalal was executed
in 1261/62.
"Now it happened that Zak'are [Shahnshah's
son] was with Arghun and his many troops in Georgia. And Zak are
went unbeknownst to Arghun and the other soldiers to see his wife
who was with her father Sargis, prince of Uxteac', one of the
rebels with the Georgian king Dawit'. When Arghun learned about
this, he notified Hulegu who himself ordered that Zak'are be taken
shackled. He heaped other false accusations upon him, ordered
him killed, dismembered and thrown to the dogs" (KG p. 393).
VA notes that Zak'are, the sparapet
of Georgia..."was falsely accused with delaying in going
to court at the set time he was supposed to" (VA p. 153);
Interestingly, SO says nothing about this rebellion, either. KC
pp. 238-49, passim; Mur. pp. 1l0-21, passim.
204 Spuler pp. 21-25; 27-29; SMP pp.
352-54; CIA v. 3 p. 218 foldout; KG pp. 395-96; VA's account on
p.153 is merely a chronological list derived from KG; S0 p. 161;
KC p 249-54; Mur. pp. 121-25.
205 Spuler p.20; SMP pp. 35l-52; Het'um
p. 53.