138 GHP, II.57, pp. 214-15.
139 GHP, III.60, p. 230.
140 GHP, III.61, p. 232.
141 GHP, I.11, p. 29.
142 GHP, I. 16, p. 51.
143 GHP, II.32, p. 123. The fact that
there were "a few sepuhs from every tohm"
fighting on either side is a direct result of Iranian policies
as well as of the dynamics of development of the naxarar
system in the fifth century. It was the policy of the Iranian
government to promote apostasy from Christianity in Armenia hy
financially and politically advancing the apostates. Catholicos
Sahak was offered many gifts if he would corroborate the naxarars'
charges against king Artashes IV (I.14, p. 46). The apostate naxarars
who deposed Sahak together with Artashes returned to Armenia with
money, honor (patiw), and "greatness" (mecut'iwn)
(I.14, p. 48). Varazvaghan Siwnik' who supposedly was converted
by Mihr Nerseh himself (II.20, p. 75) ex- pected gifts and honor
for this (II.20, p. 79) and his mentor urged Yazdgard II to lavish
wealth on Varazvaghan "so that his own tohm and the
other Armenian grandees (mecameck') see what the protection
of the Iranian crown means and they will fall over themselves
in their eagerness to serve" (II.22, p. 83). At the time
of the mass conversion of naxarars summoned to Ctesiphon
with Vardan (c. 449), the newly- apostate Armenian, Iberian, and
Albanian princes were decorated and given gifts and honor, villages
and fields (II.28, p. 107). Similar inducements were offered to
the Ghewondean priests and to the priests Abraham and Xoren (II.46,
p. 177).
Beyond financial inducements, Iran
held out to prospective apostates the promise of political power.
Thus Yazdgard II replaced Vasak with the Zoroastrian Varazvaghan
as lord of Siwnik' (II.46, p. 177). As a result of his communication
with the Greeks and his oath of allegiance with the Vardaneans
sworn on a Bible, Vasak must have been viewed by Yazdgard II as
disloyal from a political and religious standpoint. That Persians
were advancing apostates is seen too in the accusations made ahout
Peroz' policies by Vahan. Peroz, according to Vahan, allied himself
with brigand-leaders, murderers, fugitives, and insignificant
and worthless men. Vahan complained that the unworthy were being
given princedom and honor (ishxanut'iwn ew patiw, III.92,
p. 362). Earlier, speaking to marzpan Shapuh Mihran, Vahan
revealed that power in Armenia was in the hands of men from lowly
tohms (III.75, pp. 293-96) and he denounced Peroz for "not
recognizing worth and worthlessness" among his subordinates
(III.85, p. 340) . Long before Valash, Vahan says, Persian officials
were collaborating with "lowly villagers, disobedient sons,
and servants who worked evil against their lords (III.95, p. 376)".
The results of these policies are
evident from Ghazar's History. Availing themselves of the
opportunity for advancement many representatives of Armenia's
lesser nobility converted and so destroyed whatever unity had
existed previously within a particular house. Some areas such
as Siwnik' appear to have been squarely within the Iranian camp.
Vasak and Gdihon Siwnik' are arch-fiends to Ghazar. It was in
Siwnik's fortresses that the captured Vardanean-Hmayeakean priests
and Catholicos Yovsep' were held captive (II.42, p. 155) and it
was the princes of Siwnik', according to P'arpec'i, who in the
vision of Gregory the Illuminator found in "Agat'angeghos"
first were transformed from white lambs into black wolves (II.20,
p. 80). However, not even the pro-Iranian house of Siwnik' was
free trom religio-political troubles. Babgen and Bakur Siwnik`
were fighting on Vahan's side (II.47, p. 179). Yazd Siwnik' was
martyred for his Christian faith, although his relative Gdihon
had urged him to apostasize "like a jealous brother"
[III.76, p. 302). In other parts of the country too there was
a great division within the naxarar families, which destroyed
the unity of Armenia's resistance. Thus when Vahan wrote for aid
to the Anjewac'i and Mokac'i houses, Nerses Eruanduni and Yohan
Anjewac'i answered his summons but they were attacked on their
way to the sparapet by Anjewac'i and Mokac'i led soldiers
(III. 70 p. 273).
The naxarar system was also
undergoing changes internally. Like the nobility in Iran during
the same period, the Armenian nobility was strengthening its power.
The bitterest passages in the book reflect P'arpec'i's reaction
to some of the internal changes in the naxarar system .
Like the nobility in Iran, the Armenian naxarars were notorious
for deposing their kings. King Arshak III was driven from the
land and left Ayrarat lamenting the insubordination of the naxarars
(I.6, pp. 13-14). The naxarars treacherously informed Persian
king Shapur III (383-88) that their king Xosrov IV was in secret
communication with the Byzantines (I.8, p. 21). Xosrov was deposed
and the nobles requested Vramshapuh as king (I.9, p. 22).
King Artashes IV also was requested by the naxarars from
Vahram V (I.12, p. 35/, but he too was deposed (I.14, pp. 47-8).
Catholicos Sahak was deposed at the same time and replaced by
Surmak from Bznunik' whom the naxarars had selected as
their candidate and brought to court (I.14, pp. 43-4). Surmak
was deposed (I.15, p. 48) as was Vahram V's replacement for him,
Brgisho (I.15, p. 50).
144 GHP, II.36, p. 136.
145 GHP, II.39, p. 148.
146 GHP, III.67, p. 259.
147 GHP, III.69, p. 266.
148 GHP, III.73, pp. 286-86.
149 Grudges among the naxarars
such as between Varazvaghan and Vasak Siwnik` (II.20, p. 79) or
between Vahan Amatuni and Vasak Siwnik' (II.3l, p. 121) were exploited
whenever possible. Also an extensive system of domestic espionage
was encouraged within Armenia. Zoroastrians (mages or Armenian
converts) constituted one source of intelligence, of course. Thus
both rebels Vardan (II.32, p. 122) and Vahan (II.66, p. 257)
believed that the Persians knew ahout their plans before the outbreak
of their rebellions. Vardan specifically accused the mages of
spying. There were numerous willing informants who, either from
sincere pro-Iranian convictions or to destroy enemies and advance
themselves, informed on their countrymen and friends. There are
many examples of this development in P'arpec'i: Gadisho Maxaz
accused Catholicos Giwt of paying bribes and giving gifts to apostates
to return them to the Christian fold (III. 64 pp. 240-41); Vahan's
associate Vriw accused him of conspiracy (III.65, p. 250); Varazshapuh
Amatuni informed marzpan Atrvshnasp of Vahan's plans for
rebellion (III.67, p. 250); oath-breaking naxarars informed
the Persian commander Zarmihr Hazarawuxt that Vahan had sent Mushegh
Mamikonean with half the army to fight in Iberia and that Vahan's
forces in Dwin were few. They urged the Persians to massacre Vahan's
compatriots to put a quick end to the disturbances (III.78, p.
310). P'arpec'i in no way emphasizes the fact, but it is clear
that very often the Persians were using willing local guides in
their operations, whether to uncover the concealed Hmayeakeans
or to capture the Kamsarakan women (II.41, p. 153 and III.79,
p. 313).
Each of Ghazar's references to
the disunited or apostate naxarars is laced with bitterness
and scorn. Sometimes the author directly intrudes into the narrative
with his own comments. These are often of a religious nature,
such as the damning remarks he makes over his enemy Gdihon Siwnik"s
decaying corpse (III.83, p. 329), or his comparison of the naxarars
who deposed Artashes IV and Catholicos Sahak with Joseph's brothers
(I.14, p. 48). More often Ghazar places his sentiments in the
mouths of others. Thus before Vahram V, Armenia's last Arsacid
king Artashes IV stated angrily that the naxarars traditionally
disobeyed their lords and changed them frequently (I.14, pp. 43-4).
Vardan, called back from exile, denounced the naxarars
in their presence for casting the Mamikoneans into danger and
then remaining aloof (II.30, pp. 118-19). Vahan called the naxarars
untrustworthy and liars (III.66, p. 255).
150 GHP, II.26, pp. 96-97.
151 GHP, II.27, p. 104.
152 GHP, II. 27, p. 106.
153 GHP, II.3l, p. 120.
154 GHP, II.30, p. 114.
155 GHP, II.33, p. 130.
156 GHP, II.38, p. 147.
157 GHP, II.37, p. 139.
158 GHP, III.65, p. 252. In his letter
for aid to the Arcruni, Anjewac'i, Mokac'i, and Rshtuni princes,
Vahan called for "revenge for the church" (III.70, p.
272). Vahan took to battle with him Catholicos Yovhan with whom
he prayed publicly before the troops (III.79, pp. 275-76). Throughout
the course of his uprising Vahan lavished attention on the churches.
He gave presents to the church in Vagharshapat (III.77, p. 304)
. When marzpan Shapuh Mihran left the country, Vahan renovated
a church in Vagharshapat (III.86, p. 338). He had mass said in
Dwin (III.94, p. 371), and after peace was announced, he spent
several days in Vagharshapat visiting shrines (III.97, p. 383).
Vahan even more than Vardan is shown as a champion of the church.
The first of three demands presented hy Vahan to the Iranian peace
negotiators of Valash concerned religion: Armenians must not become
mages, apostasy must not be rewarded, the fire-temples must be
removed, the people must have the right to worship freely wherever
they please, and the church must not be vilified (III.89, p. 348).
Vahan is shown pressing this demand insistently. Initially he
demanded toleration of Christianity from the Iranian general Mihran
(III.75, p. 298). He repeated the demand to Nixor (III.95, p.
369) and before King Valash himself (III.95, p. 377).