The Church, for its part, stood loyally behind the Mamikoneans. Not only does the cleric Ghazar make Vardan, Hmayeak, Vasak, and Vahan into saints, but he openly expresses the Church's gratitude in at least two passages. Thus the captive Ghewondean priests courageously told Yazdgard II, "We are Vardan's vardapets and we supported and encouraged him in everything (159)". When Vahan returned from Iran to Armenia as marzpan, sparapet, and lord of the Mamikoneans, he was met by Catholicos Yovhan bearing the Cross and the relics of St. Gregory, who is called Vahan's ancestor (160). At a church service soon afterward, Yovhan read to an overflowing congregation, including Vahan, the fitting passages in Kings concerning Solomon's coronation by David (161). One feels very strongly that the Armenian Church is metaphorically anointing the country's new "king"--Vahan.

Though military men, both Vardan and Vahan are compassionate, noble in war and peace. When, for example, Vardan comes upon Ira nian warriors unprepared for battle near Tghmut in Ayrarat, he does not attack (162). Later, during battle, he tells his brother, the rear-guard Hamazaspean, not to compel the troops to fight or forcibly prevent desertion (163). Vardan frets about the sons of Vasak Siwni and Ashusha, the bdeshx held hostage in Iran (164), just as later Vahan fears for the safety of his younger brother Vard, also a hostage in Iran (165). Caring for the welfare of the poor is said to be Vahan's custom and he does it fre- quently throughout his rebellion (166). Furthermore, Vardan and Vahan are also shown as democratic leaders. Thus in Albania, Vardan seems to ask his men's advice before engaging in battle (167). Vahan refuses to negotiate with Nixor Vshnaspdat's representatives in private. Instead he bids the envoys to "speak out before all the soldiers (168)". He insists that the demands made of Valash are not his demands, but the demands of his men (169).

P' arpec' i's History contains a defense of the Mamikonean family. Part of this defense is entrusted to Vardan and Vahan who denounce the naxarars as untrustworthy and unappreciative. The History also contains Ghazar's own defense of the Mamikoneans. For example, when the bdeshx Ashusha obtained from Mihr Nerseh and Yazdgard II the right to raise Hmayeak Mamikonean's children, Ghazar denounces Ashusha and makes him seem as ridiculous as possible (170). Similarly, P'arpec'i defends the young Mamikonean princes Vahan, Vasak, and Artashes from the attacks of jealous naxarars (171).

P'arpec'i equates the Mamikoneans with the highest Iranian nobility (or the monarchy) in a variety of ways. First he establishes Mamikonean primacy in Armenian affairs. In I..8, where King Arshak flees to the west, P'arpec'i writes that the Arsacid family is no longer worthy of Ayrarat. Who then is worthy of Ayrarat? Ghazar does not say. But some of his statements imply that power in Armenia belongs to the Mamikoneans who, though not Arsacids, were part of the old royal court and have inherited Armenia in the absence of the land's bnik ters. He is very careful to stress, in speeches placed in the mouths of both Vardan and Vahan, the hoary association of the Mamikoneans with Armenian affairs. The sparapets say that their family's history is known to the naxarars from writings (172); and the naxarars trying to persuade Vardan to convert allude to these old histories (173). Valash made Vahan sparapet "according to the law of his ancestors" (174). In the absence of Armenia's bnik ters, the family with the oldest claims to participate in Armenia's affairs is the Mamikonean. They are like the kings. Ghazar implies this again in his description of Vahan's military maneuvers around Erez, for at that city "everyone obeyed Vahan as though he were king (175). In the absence of Arsacid royalty then, the Mamikonean family has become the royalty to Ghazar. As Armenian royalty, or at least the highest nobility, the Mamikoneans may always interact with the Iranian nobility on terms of equality.

Footnotes 159-175



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