23 Kirakos Ganjakec'i, Patmut'iwn Hayoc' [History of Armenia] K. A. Melik'Ohanjanyan, ed. (Erevan, 1961),hereafter KG ch. 33 p. 278: "i zhamanaki kenac' meroc ' ams k' arhasun pakas kam aweli".

24 See H. Oskean, "Kirakos Ganjakec'i" HA (1922) p. 89; Alishan, Hayapatum p. 216 specifies 1203.

25 KG ch. 17 p. 222.

26 KG ch. 15 p. 218.

27 KG ch. 23 pp. 243-44.

28 KG ch. 23 passim.

29 KG ch. 23 p. 252; M, Abeghyan, Collected Works, vol. 4 (Erevan, 1970) pp. 234-40. See Bibliography under Abeghyan.

30 KG ch. 48, p. 327, and ch. 48 passim.

31 KG ch. 58 p. 364,371, 372. On the journey of Het'um see John Andrew Boyle, "The Journey of Het'um I, King of Little Armenia, to the Court of the Great Khan Monge", Central Asiatic Journal, 9(1964) pp. 175-89.

32 Oskean, op.cit., pp. 91-93.

33 Grigor Aknerc 'i, Historory of the Nation of the Archers [HNA], R. Blake, trans., Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies (1949) #3-4 p. 379; Minor Chronicles, vol. 1 Erevan, 1951) p. 44 See below under Chronographies.

34 KG "Introduction", pp. 6-10.

35 KG ch. 20 p. 231.

36 Kirakos mentions his teacher Vanakan's now-lost work, KG ch. 5 p. 178.

37 KG ch. 60 p. 384; ch. 32 p. 272.

38 KG ch. 24 p. 249.

39 KG ch. 32 p. 274.

40 KG chp. 32 p. 274. For an English translation and scholarly commentary on this chapter and lexicon see J.A. Boyle, "Kirakos of Ganjak on the Mongols", Central Asiatic Journal 8(1963) pp. 199-214; also L. Ligeti, "Le Lexique mongol de Kirakos de Gandzak", Acta Orientalia Hungarica XVIII(1965).

41 Oskean, op. cit., p. 216.

42 The critical edition of Ganjakec'i's History of Armenia was published by the late K.A. Melik'-Ohanjanyan in 1961. This text was based on 30 manuscripts housed at the Matenadaran in Erevan, Armenia, collated with the three earlier editions those of Moscow [Patmut'iwn Hayoc' arareal Kirakosi Ganjakec'woy (The History of Armenia composed by Kirakos Ganjakec'i), Ostan Ter-Georgean-Yovhanniseanc' (Moscow, 1858)] and Tiflis, 1909. The latter is a reprint of the Moscow edition.and is reviewed by N. Akinean in HA (1910), pp. 253-54. Complete translations were made in French by M. Brosset (St. Petersburg, 1870) Deux historiens armenienes, I, Kirakos de Gandzac; into Russian by L. A. Khanlarian, Kirakos Gandzaketsi, Istoriia Armenii (Moscow, 1976); and into English by the present writer. For the numerous translations see K. A. Melik'-Ohanjanyan. A full bibliography by H. Anasyan is appended to that work.

43 Vardan Arewelc'i Hawak'umn patmut'ean Vardanay vardapeti lusabaneal (Venice, 1862) ch. 87 p. 146: "p'arhaworeal hayrn mer Vanakan vardapetn...". Biographical information about Vardan called Arewelc'i (the Easterner), Aghuanic' (from Aghbania), Ganjakec'i and "the Great", is found in the History of his classmate and good friend Kirakos Ganjakec'i, in Vardan's own works, and in Grigor Aknerc'i's History. Scholars in elucidating the few facts known about Vardan sometimes have confused him with other Vardans living in the same period. Father M. Ch'acmch'ean [Patmut'iwn Hayoc' skzbane ashxarhi minch'ew zam tearhn 1784 est awandeloy aylayl matenagrac' (History of the Armenians from the Creation of the World to A. D. 1784 According to the Accounts of Diverse Sources 3 vols. (Venice, 1784-86) vol. 3 p. 240] and J. Emin [Mkrtich' (Joseph) Emin, first to publish the Armenian text entitled it Mecin Vardana Barjrberdc'woy patmut' iwn tiezerakan (Universal History of the Great Vardan Barjraberdc'i) (Moscow, 1861)] made the same mistake. However the error was not made by the publishers in the forword of the second edition (Venice, 1862 ) p. ii. See M. Abeghyan, Works, vol. 4, p. 240, and H, Oskean, "Vardan Arewelc i", HA (1921) p. 365.

44 KG ch. 41 p. 294. Father Oskean considers it likely that Vardan participated in the Council of Sis in 1243 called to settle Church disputes (Oskean, p. 368). While in Cilicia, Vardan made the acquaintance of a Syrian priest named Ishox, with whom he translated into Armenian Michael the Syrian's Chronology, ca. 1246 (Oskean, pp. 569-70). On the numerous other works attributed to Vardan see Oskean, pp. 461-69, 564-72.

45 KG ch. 43 p. 310.

46 ibid p. 311. Ch'amch'ean, followed by Gh. Alishan incorrectly supposed that Vardan personally took the encyclical back to Cilicia (Oskean, op. cit., p. 369). After discharging the kat'oghikos' request, Vardan went to his retreat called Andre near Kayean fortress where he taught and wrote (KG ch. 43 p. 311). He also lived six years at Xorhvirap where he had 40 pupils, then at Saghmosavank' and Harhicha monasteries (Oskean, pp. 369-70). See also H. Manandian and Hrh. Acharhean Hayoc' nor vkanera [Armenian Neo-martyrs], (Vagharsapat, 1903) p. 105.

47 VA ch. 96 pp. 155-58.

48 VA ch. 97 p. 167.

49 Oskean, op.cit., pp. 370-71.

50 GA p. 379. Oskean thinks that Vardan was buried at Xorhvirap (Oskean, p. 373).

51 VA ch. 87 p. 146. Vardan's Compilation of History belongs to the genre of "universal histories" popular among medieval Armenian authors. It commences with Adam and terminates with the death of Vardan's personal friend kat'oghikos Constantine in 1268. It is not known when the author started writing the History. While Vardan tends to concentrate on the history of Armenia, the early portion of his work also speaks about the rulers of Israel, Greece, Persia, and Arabia. As a result of his attempt to abridge so much of Middle Eastern history, Vardan's style suffers. The list-like presentations of names and the extraneous repetitions in the early section of his work make it tiresome reading. Sources for the period before his own include the Bible and Biblical traditions, plus most of the same Armenian historians utilized by Kirakos Ganjakec'i. Unlike Kirakos, however, Vardan rarely cites his sources. This is a consequence not of the author's desire to conceal this information or to claim it as his own, but simply because these sources would have been immediately recognized by readers. As Vardan approaches his own period, the information becomes more significant. This is especially true of his narration of 11th and 12th century events, since apparently he made use of works now lost, such as Yovhannes Sargawag's History of the Saljuqs.

52 KG ch. 41 p. 294: "zimastun ew zhancharegh vardapetn zVardan...".

53 ibid.: "ch'ogaw ew arh kat'oghikosn, zor teseal`, uraxac'aw yoyz, ew arh iwr paheal yolov zhamanaks, sirov kapeal end nma, zi och' kamer erbek' meknil i nmane".

54 Vardan attended the Mongol New Year celebration in Iran in 1265/66 at Hulegu's invitation. According to his own account of his audience with Hulegu, Vardan, as an honored cleric was not required to bow. He agreed to bless the Khan's wine (VA ch. 96 p. 156). Hulegu later drew Vardan aside and by means of interpretors urged him to criticize and advise freely and fearlessly (ibid. p. 157). Vardan was given a patent of authority (yarligh) and was promised an audience again, the following year, though Hulegu had died before it took place. "However, [Hulegu's Christian wife] the great queen Toghuz-Khatun prior to announcing Hulegu's death, secretly sent to me, saying: 'God loved the Il-Khan and took him away. Whatever he loved here and gave to this world will be given to him in the next. Should there be a mass or not?'... She also inquired regarding Abaqa, Hulegu's senior son, whether it was proper to enthrone him, for he had not converted [to Christianity] (VA, ch . 97 pp. 160-61)".

55 Vardan's History is important too from the standpoint of language. Written in a somewhat vulgar form of classical Armenian, occasionally we see evidence of the emergence of the um ending typical of later modern eastern Armenian. See Abeghyan, pp. 245-46. Regrettably, no critical edition of Vardan's History exists. The Armenian text has been published twice: by J. Emin (Moscow, 1861) and by the Venetian Mxit'arists in 1862. The latter edition is based on a ms. made in 1307. Among the 8 or 9 remaining mss. of the History, one recopied in 1631 was based on an ms. dated 723 A.E. (=1274/75), only three years after Vardan's death (VA, p. xi; 0skean, pp. 460-61). The History was translated in full into Russian by Emin (Moscow, 1861).

A partial Russian translation was made by K.Patkanov (St. Petersburg, 1873, vol. l, pp. 1-29). Partial French translations appeared in Journal Asiatique (1860 fas. II) and in Recueil des historiens des Croisades; Documents armeniens I (Paris, 1869) pp. 431-43 made by E. Dulaurier. An English translation of chapters 82-100 (pp. 138-64 of the Venice, 1862 ed.) was made by the present writer.

56 The Orbeleans, apparently a branch of the once-influential Mamikonean house, removed to southern Georgia from Armenia in the second half of the 9th century. Centered at the fortress of Orbeti in the Shamshvilde area, this family, like its presumed Armenian Mamikonid relations in Armenia, held the often hereditary office of commander-in-chief (spaspeti) of the Georgian army in the 11th and 12th centuries [C.Toumanoff, "The Mamikonids and the Liparitids", Armeniaca (Venice, 1969), p. 125. Step'annos Orbelean, Patmut'iwn Nahankin Sisakan (History of the State of Sisakan), Karapet Shahnazareanc', ed. (Paris, 1859) ch. 66 passim. Hereafter SO] .

However, in 1177, as a result of the implication of the Orbeleans in an abortive rebellion against king Georgi III, the Georgian Crown exterminated all members of the clan, excepting two brothers who escaped (SO ch. 66 pp. 128-35). One brother, Iwane, succeeded in restoring part of his family's holdings in Georgia during the reign of queen Tamar (1184-1213) (ibid. p. 136). Descendants of the other brother, Elikum, eventually gained control of all Siwnik' (SO ch. 66 pp. 143-44, l67-69, "from Balk' to Ayrarat and from the gate of Barkushat to the borders of Bjni"). As a consequence of speedy submission to the Mongols, the Orbeleans, then headed by Elikum's grandson Smbat, not only retained their lands, but also extended them (SO p. 150, 158). When Smbat's brother and successor Tarsayich died in 1290, Orbelean control over Siwnik was stronger than ever: Tarsayich's son Elikum became the secular lord of the princedom, while our author Step'annos, Tarsayich's other son, firmly exercised the spiritual authority(SO p.l79).

57 SO ch. 66 p. 174; T '. X. Hakobyan, S. T. Melik'-Baxshyan, Step'anos Orbelyan (Erevan, 1960) p. 26. Also G. M. Grigoryan, "Step'anos Orbelyan", PBH 4(1976) p. 155. Some controversy exists about his mother. In chapter 66 of the History Step'annos wrote about his father Tarsayich: "He had taken a wife from among the Ishmaelites, Aruz xat 'un, daughter of the lord of Siwnik'; she became a Christian and [displayed] venerable faith and fear of God..."(SO ch. 66 p. 162). Subsequently, in chapter 71 he stated that he was descended on his mother's side "from [the line of] Sisak" and was an Orbelean on his father's side (SO ch. 71, p. 226). If both statements are correct, i.e., that Aruz was both a Muslim and of the indigenous Armenian line of Sisak, it is possible that his mother had been an Islamized Armenian.

58 SO ch.66 p. 166. M. Abeghyan, vol. 4 pp. 250-51.

59 SO ch. 66 p. 174: "Ew i meci awur Zatkin jerhnadren zStep'annos metropolit mec at'orhoyn Siwneac' i veray ayloc' episkoposac'n or kayin ast ew and omank' i V'ayoc' jor ew omank' i Tat'ew...".

60 ibid. p. 175.

61 ibid. pp. 175-76.

62 SO ch. 63 p. 90. Information on these activities is found not only in the History, but in the numerous extant inscriptions the new metropolitan had carved on his construction projects themselves [Divan Ha Vimagrut'yan (Corpus of Armenian Inscriptions) vol. 3 (Erevan, 1966) [CIA vol. 3], pp. 208, 215, 220, 222, 238, etc. It should be noted too that many other inscriptions which have survived in a damaged state both from Step'annos' time and from earlier periods have been reconstructed thanks to the scholarly Step'annos who frequently incorporated their complete texts into his History. See H.A. Orbeli, CIA vol.l (Erevan, 1966) p. XI, G. M. Grigoryan, op.cit., p.161. Speaking of Siwnik' in the early 1290s under the rule of his brother Elikum and himself, Step'annos declared: "Now because in this period the whole land was ruined and corrupted and worship had been obstructed in the monasteries, everyone universally applied to this lordship [Siwnik'] finding a haven here. [Among the applicants were] the kat'oghikos of Aghbania, lord Step'annos who came and dwelled with his spiritual] brother lord Step'annos [the author], many other bishops, vardapets, and azats. By the grace of God, this tun [House] was a sight to behold, like unto Noah's ark midst the world-destroying waves..."(SO ch.66 p. 178). In the late 1290's and early 1300's, Step annos was active as the leader of the eastern Armenian clergy in resisting the Latinophile policies of the Cilician kat'oghikos Grigor Anawarzec'i (SO ch. 68-69). Step'annos' tombstone at Noravank' monastery indicates 1303/4 as the year of his death (CIA, vol. 3 p. 233).

63 SO ch. 73 pp. 256-57. The History of the State Sisakan is not Step'annos' sole surviving work. For a list of the others see Grigoryan, op.cit., p. 157, also M. Abeghyan, vol. 4, pp. 257-71. In part, apparently, Step'annos was motivated to undertake this project by feelings of family pride. He complains that while other families which played a prominent role in Armenian affairs--such as the Mamikonean, Bagratuni, and Arcruni--all had their noteworthy deeds put into writing, the House of Sisak and its successors (the Orbeleans) lacked a recorded history (SO ch. l p. 47; ch. 5 pp. 56-57).

64 Agat'angeghos, SO ch. 7 p. 64, ch. 9 p. 71; Ghazar and Eghishe, chp., 18 p. 104; Zenob, ch. 5 p. 58; Ghewond, ch. 7 p.64; Movses Xorenac'i, ch. 6 p. 63; John Kat'oghikos, ch. 6 p. 148; Uxtanes, ch. 25 p. 142, ch. 26, p. 149; History of Aghbania, ch. 26 p. 149, ch.52, p. 22; Mxit'ar of Ani, ch.66 p. 118; Book of Letters, ch. 26, p. 149. Petros Siwnik' ch. 1 p. 48, ch. 1 pp. 78-79 and elsewhere; Mashtoc' of Sewan, ch. 34 p. 204.

65 On Step'annos' use of old documents: SO ch. 1 p. 49, chp. 8 p. 67, ch. 23; ch. 36 p. 208; ch. 43 pp. 278-79; ch. 57 pp. 52-53, ch. 73 pp. 254-55, and elsewhere. His knowledge of Georgian: SO ch. 66 p. 133 and use of the History of K'art'li ch. 66 p. 118. His possible knowledge of Persian: chp; 70 p. 219.

66 On the tax list see G. M. Grigoryan, "Dramakan haraberut'yunneri zargac'ume Syunik'um ev St.Orbelyani harkac'uc'aki xndire [The Development of Money Relationships in Siwnik' and the Question of St. Orbelean's Tax List]" Lraber 2(1966) pp. 45-57.

67 SO ch. 66 p. 174: "Or ew i hasaneln and, vaxchaneal er kat'oghikosn, ew bazum patiw ew mecame p'arhs enduner i t'agaworen Hayoc ' Lewone or ew yolov t' axanjans arhner nma mnal anden ew nsel yat'orh kat'oghikosut'ean Hayoc'. Ew m minch' och' arhnoyr yanjn`...".

68 SO ch. 66 p. 176;ch. 71 p.230; ch. 71 p. 231.

69 Unfortunately no critical edition of the History of the State of Sisakan exists. The Armenian text was published first by Karapet Shahnazareanc' (Paris, 1859). Two years later J.Emin issued an edition in Moscow based on two mss. which he compared with the Shahnazareanc' text. The third printing occurred in Tiflis, 1910 in the Ghukasean Library Series, and is a reprint of the Paris text with the addition of an index. A full French translation in two volumes was issued by M. Brosset (St. Petersburg 1864-66; Histoire de la Siounie, par Stephannos Orbelian) . Translations of individual chapters have been made into Russian by K. Patkanov and A.G. Galstyan [see Bibliography]; French by M.S.Saint-Marten [Memoires historiques et geographiques sur l'Armenie, t.II (Paris 1819)] ; and English by the present writer.

70 Nerses Akinean, "Grigor k'ahanay Aknerc'i patmagir T'at'arac' Patmut'ean 1250-1335 [Grigor the Priest of Akner, Historian of the History of the T'at'ars] ", HA ( 1948 ) p. 387.

71 ibid. p. 387 n.1.

72 Nerses Akinean, "Akanc' kam Akneri vank'e [Akanc' or Akner Monaster ] HA 1948 p. 237.

73 Akinean,"Grigor k'ahanay", pp. 389-90. HNA is contained in ms. 32 housed at the Library of the monastery of St. James in Jerusalem. Ms. 32 commences with the Armenian translation of the Chronography of Michael the Syrian (done by Vardan Arewelc'i in 1246) which concludes with the events of 1195. The Chronography is followed by a continuation made by the same translator or some other person which briefly comments on the period 1216-1229.

This section is succeeded by a colophon of the copyist Grigor Aknerc'i, which states that the latter completed his copy of the above portions in 1273, and then adds: "by the grace of God we too shall write what is lacking from it for 44 years" (GA, Introduction, p. 272). This is followed immediately by Grigor's HNA which the author apparently saw as a continuation of the chronologies he had been copying. At the end of the History, Grigor stated: "In the year 720 A.E. (=1271/72) these chronographies were written by the command of the blessed, glorious father Step'annos of this retreat of Akanc' with the consent of Vardan, warden of the holy retreat, and of the entire brotherhood of priests and clerics, by the hand of the miserable scribe Grigor, servant of the Word..."(Akinean, "Grigor k'ahanay", p. 390, also R.Blake, GA, Introduction, pp. 281-82 n.6). All publications of the Armenian text and all translations of it prior to the issuance of R. Blake's text and English translation have incorrectly named a certain vardapet Maghakia as the author. Two scholars H. Zhamkoch'yan and Nerses Akinean independently established Grigor of Akner as the true writer [Akinean, "Grigor k'ahanay"; Zamkoch'yan, "The Author of the Work HNA" (in Arm.) Scientific works of the State University of Erevan 23 (1946) pp. 367-68]. Maghakia it was revealed, was none other than the 17th century vardapet Maghakia T'oxat'ec'i who had recopied Grigor's work and whose own colophon gave rise to this confusion.

74 For example, Grigor incorrectly dates the first appearance of the Mongols in the Caucasus to 1214, years earlier than other historians (GA, p. 294/95); the defeat of Ghiyath al-Din in 1244 is recorded as occurring in I239 (p.306/7); Arghhun's census of 1253/54 is consigned to 1251/52 by Grigor. Zhamkoch'yan noted that for the post-1249 period, Grigor is generally accurate (Zhamkoch'yan, op.cit., p.388). Blake's statement, GA, Introduction, p. 269.

75 Akinean, "Grigor k'ahanay", p. 399.

76 ibid. p. 400. To Akinean, Grigor definitely was not a pupil of Vanakan nor the classmate of Vardan and Kirakos. Thus the statement found at the end of chapter 9: "In those days the senior glorious vardapet, our Vanakan, passed to Christ leaving us in great grief, not only those of us who had studied with him, but the entire land..." (GA, p. 322/23) in Akinean's opinion was made by such an informant to Grigor, not by the author himself.

77 Akinean, "Grigor k'ahanay", 400.

78 ibid. pp. 401-2.

79 ibid. p. 403; Blake, GA, Introduction, pp. 2?4-76. The Armenian text of the HNA first was published in 1870 at Jerusalem based on the oldest extant ms. (#32 of the Patrirarchal Library of St. James, Jerusalem) dated 1271, and another ms. dated 1602 [Nshxark' hay matenagrut'ean patmut'iwn T'atarac' Vardani patmich' haneal i jerhagir orinakac' (Fragments of Armenian Literature: Vardan the Historian's History of the T'at'ars, printed from manuscript copies (Jerusalem, 1870); See also N. Akinean's review of Blake's translation in HA (1955) p. 274]. Also in 1870 K. Patkanean published the Armenian text in St. Petersburg based on a Venice ms. of 1624[ Maghak'ia Abeghayi patmut'iwn vasn azgin netoghac' (Maghak'ia the Monk's HNA)]. The following year Patkanean published a Russian translation [Istoriia Mongolov inoka Magakii Maghak'ia the Monk's History of the Mongols). The History previously had been translated into French by Brosset in 1851 [based on the Venice ms. dated 1624. Ouvrage de Malakia-Abegha, ou Malakia-le-Moine, in M Brosset's Additions et eclaircissments a l'Histoire de la Georgie (St.Petersburg, 1851) pp. 438-67]. The Armenian text compared with all previous editions accompanied by an English translation was printed in vol. 12 of the Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies #3-4(1949) pp. 269-443.

Appearing in the same journal was Francis Woodman Cleaves' important article, "The Mongolian Names and Terms in the History of the Nation of the Archers by Grigor of Akanc'" (pp. 400-444). Subsequently, in 1954, Blake's text and translation and Cleaves' article were reprinted together in book form [History of the Nation of the Archers (the Mongols) by Grigor of Akanc', hitherto ascribed to Maghak'ia the Monk, the Armenian text edited with an English translation and notes by Robert P. Blake and Richard N. Frye (Cambridge, Mass., 1954)], Blake's translation, without a doubt a great contribution to Armenian and Mongol studies, nonetheless has a number of inaccuracies. Some of these are due to typographical errors, others to the scholar's unfamiliarity with certain conventions in classical Armenian and with Armenian place names. The most serious of these mistakes have been identified in Akinean's review of the publication (HA, 1955, pp. 275-77). Here we point out three such errors as a caution that Blake's work must be used in conjunction with the studies of Akinean and Zhamkoch'yan:

Blake: zMcbnay berd "the citadel of Nisibis" (ch.3 p.297 1 65).

Should Read: zMacnaberd (=Macnaberd, a fortress near Ganjak).

Blake: zNorberdn,"the new fortress" (ch.3 p.297 1 67)

Should Read: zBorberdn (=Norberd, a fortress near Tawush).

Blake: yurdgahs, "royal tent" (ch. 6 p. 313, 1 74).

Should Read: yurdgahs (ordugah, "camp").

80 Patmut 'iwn Lank-T'amuray ew yajordac' iwroc', arareal T'ovm vardapeti Mecobec'woy [The History of Tamerlane and His Successors by vardapet T'ovma Mecobec'i], K. Shahnazarean, ed. (Paris, 1860). Hereafter TM.

81 This work was published in Armenian twice by Garegin Yovsep'ean: "New Materials for the Biography of T'ovma Mecop'ec'i, 1376-1447", Ararat (1913) pp. 738-67,1151-61; (1914) pp. 67-84; and as a separate book with the same title (Vagharshapat, 1914). The Life is available in a Russian translation, Pamiatniki Armianskoi Agiografii [Monuments of Armenian Hagiography] K'.S. Ter-Davt'yan, trans. and ed., (Erevan, 1973) pp. 157-63.

82 V.Hakobyan, Minor Chronicles of the XIII-XVIII Centuries, vol. I (Erevan,1951) pp.113-14 (See Bibliography) suggests that Kirakos Banaser and Kirakos Rhshtuni, compiler of a chronicle are the same individual.

83 L. Xach'ikyan, compiler, XV Dari hayeren jerhagreri hishatakaranner [Colophons of XVth Centjry Armenian Manuscripts] vol. 1 (Erevan, 1955) p. 567; see also Ter-Davt'yan, op. cit., p. 152 n. 6.

84 Yovsep'yan, op.cit., Foreword, p. 5; Ter-Davt'yan,p. 152.

85 L. Xach'ikyan, p. 101.

86 ibid.

87 Xach'kyan, op.cit., p. 101.

88 Ter-Davt'yan, p. 154.

89 TM, pp. 83, 85, 87-89, 90-95, 108-109.

90 T'ovma described this in his other surviving work, T'ovma Mecop'ec'u Yishatakarane [T'ovma Mecop'ec'i' s Colophon] K. Kostanean, ed. (Tiflis, 1892).

91 Ter-Davt'yan, p.157.

92 M. Abeghyan, vol. 4, pp. 417-20.

93 TM, p.44.

94 Unfortunately no critical edition of T'ovma's work exists. The Armenian text was published by K. Shahnazarean in Paris in 1860. I have not seen the modern Armenian translation by A. Ter-Yovhanniseanc' (Jerusalem, 1873). Subsequently the classical text was translated into French by Felix Neve and published twice: first in JA (1855) pp. 221-81; second as a separate book in 1861. Shahnazarean's Armenian text was translated into English by the present writer.

95 Almost nothing is known about the author of this chronicle. In his list of source, Kirakos Ganjakec'i mentions him as "Samuel the priest of the cathedral of Ani" (KG p. 8). Vardan Arewelc'i, recalling noteworthy Armenian clerics of the 12th century speaks of "Samuel, presbyter of the land, Anec'i, who compiled a chronicle" (VA ch. 69 p. 121). In the body of his own work Samuel claims to have been an eye-witness to the capture of Ani by Georgian king Georgi in 1161/62, Samueli k'ahanayi Anec'woy hawak 'munk i groc' patmagrac' [Samuel the Priest of Ani's Collection of Historians' Writings], Arsak Ter Mik'elean ed. Vagharshapat, 1893) p.137. Other biographical details are lacking. In the opinion of Ter-Mik'elean, editor of a semi-critical edition of the text, Samuel may have been born around 1100, dying around 1190 (SA, Introduction, p. 6).

96 Ter-Mik'elean's edition was based on the approximately 13 manuscripts now housed at the Matenadaran in Erevan, Armenia, yet the editor noted the existence of other unused copies in Venice and Paris (SA, Introduction, p. 24). He believed that all copies stemmed from a single exernplar. None of the manuscripts predate the l7th century, and all are to a greater or lesser degree corrupt (ibid. pp. 7-24). In preparing his edition, Ter-Mik'elean made two useful alter- ations in Samuel's work, He eliminated all calendrical systems found in that work except the Armenian,which proved to be the most accurate, and arranged the historical information as separate entries placed to the right of the date. Samuel of Ani's chronicle was translated into French by M. Brosset, Collection d'historiens Armeniens (St. Petersburg, 1876) vol. II pp. 340-483.

97 Almost nothing is known about Mxit'ar, See Manandyan, Critical... vol. 3 p. 372. The French translation is by M. Brosset, Histoire chronologique par Mkhithar d'Airivank (St. Petersburg, 1869).

98 Smbatay sparapeti taregirk' [The Chronicle of Smbat Sparapet], S. Agelean, ed. (Venice, 1956), Introduction p. v.

99 Smbat's journey is recorded by numerous sources. See A.G. Galstyan's Armenian article, "The First Armeno-Mongol Negotiations", PBH #1 (1964) and its English translation in the Armenian Review #29 (1976), especially pp. 33-34.

100 M. Abeghyan, Works, vol. 4 p. 248.

101 All editions of the Armenian text ("Smbat's Chronicle"), and all translations of it prior to the Armenian edition of Venice, 1956 were based on l9th century copies of two late manuscripts then housed at Ejmiacin [The Armenian text of Smbat's Chronicle was published twice: by Oskan of Erevan (Mosow, 1856) and by Shahnazarean (Paris, 1859). A partial French translation, Chronique de Sempad, was made by V. Langlois (St. Petersburg, 1862). Dulaurier published much of the text and a French translation, beginning with the year 1092 in the Recueil des historiens des Croisades, Documents armeniens, I, pp. 610-72]. The recent Venice edition is based on a manuscript of the late 13th or early 14th century which had been cited in the works of Gh. Alishan as the "Royal Chronicle" [Sirarpie Der Nersessian, "The Royal Chronicle of Smbat Constable" , Dumbarton 0aks Papers #10 (1959) pp. 143-44]. S. Der Nersessian in an article on the Royal Chronicle noted that the Ejmiacin manuscripts used in earlier publications appear to be an abbreviation of the longer more detailed Venice manuscript (ibid. pp. 144-- 45). This latter manuscript however is defective in its beginning and end and has several lacunae. The editor of the Venice edition, S. Agelean, recopied in smaller print those sections which were present in Smbat's Chronicle, thereby producing a continuous text, regrettably, from the standpoint of this study, that part of the Chronicle which detailed Smbat's mission to the Mongol court is not contained in either the Ejmiacin or the Venice manuscripts. It is, however, possible that Smbat's travel notes were utilized by Het'um, Smbat's nephew in Het'um's own history [see A. Galstyan, "Het'umi patmut 'iwn T'at'arac' grk' i bnut'agrman harc' i shurj (On the Question of the Characterization of Het'um's Book 'The History of the Tatars)", Teghekagir #9(1958) pp. 70-72].

102 Critical texts for all the above-mentioned chronicles were published with extensive erudite notes by V. A. Hakobyan, Minor Chronicles of the XIII-XVIII Centuries, 2 vols, (Erevan, 1951 and 1956).

103 H. Manandian and Hrh. Acharhean, Hayoc' nor vkanere,1155-1843 [Armenian Neo-martyrs], (Vagharshapat, 1903).

104 For a discussion of, and bibliography on, colophons in English, see A.K. Sanjian, Colophons of Armenian Manuscripts 1301-1480 (Cambridge, Mass., 1969 , "Preface" pp. vii-xv, and "Introduction" pp. 1-41, passim. See note 105 below on Sanjian' s work; also H. S. Anasyan, Haykakan Matenagitut'yun [Armenian Bibliography] vol. I (Erevan, 1959) lxxvii-xcli.

105 The first large collection of colophons (covering the period c. 887-1596) was made by the 19th century scholar Ghewond P'iraghalemean. The original draft of this collection, of which only a small part has been published, is housed at the Madatenadaran in Erevan [Matenadaran Archives #4515, 6273, 6332. Ghewond P'iraghalemean, Notark' hayoc' (Const., 1888) includes only the period 1393-1467]. Bishop Garegin Sruanjteanc' also collected and published colophons from more than 350 manuscripts [Garegin Sruanjteanc' T'oros Aghbar: Hayastani chambord (Brother T'oros, Traveller of Armenia) 2 vols. (Const.,1879-85); Sanjian, p. 5]. The collections of P'iraghalemean and Sruanjteanc' assume even greater significance when it is recalled that many of the manuscripts from which these colophons were collected in western Armenia were destroyed during and after World War I. The next major compilation of colophons was published by Yakobos Tashean in the 1890's and embraced manuscripts found at the Imperial Library and the Mxit'arist library in Vienna [Yakobos Tashean, C'uc'ak hayeren jerhagrac' kayserakan matenadaranin i Vienna (Catalogue of Armenian Mss. at the Imperial Library in Vienna ( (Vienna, 1895)]; Beginning with the 1950's, a number of collections of colophons have been issued. Among these are Garegin Yovsep'ean's Yishatakarank' ,jerhagrac' (Manuscript Colophons) presenting 472 colophons dating from the 5th century to the year 1250 [Garegin Yovsep'ean, Yishatakarank' ,jerhagrac' (Antilias, Lebanon, 1951)]. In 1950 the first of several volumes of colophons was published by the Academy of Sciences of the Armenian SSR, compiled and edited by L. S. Xach'ikyan [XIV dari hayeren jerhagreri hishatakaranner (Colophons of XIVth Century Armenian Manuscripts), L. S. Xach'ikyan ed. (Erevan, 1950). Subsequently Xach'ikyan, the Matenadaran's learned director, issued a 3 volume corpus of XVth century colophons: XV dari hayeren jerhagreri hishatakaranner (Colophons of XVth Century Armenian Manuscripts) part I (1401-1450) (Erevan, 1958);part II (1451-1480) (Erevan, 1958); part III (1481-1500) (Erevan, 1967). Sanjian's work cited above is a selection and English translation of a small number of colophons from this vast collection, excluding the colophons found in Xach'ikyan's part III.]. This volume, Colophons of XIVth Century Armenian Manuscripts contains 845 colophons(1300-1400) of which 513 are housed at the Matenadaran while 255 derive from manuscripts found in the Janashia State Museum of the Georgian SSR and the Gorgev Museum [See N.Akinean's review of Xach'ikyan,in HA (1951) pp. 467-73 (in Arm.) especially p. 468.]. As father Nerses Akinean observed in his review of Xach'ikyan's work, while the editor additionally had at his disposal the collections of P'iraghalemean, Ter-Awetisean (New Julfa), Lalayean (Vaspurakan) and Nersoyan (Oxford and Manchester libraries), he did not utilize available publications of the colophons from Berlin, Rome, Nor Bayazit, Tehran and elsewhere [Akinean, op.,cit., pp. 468-69]. Since the publication of Xach'ikyan, numerous other catalogues of manuscripts, providing their colophons in full or part have appeared: from the Armenian library of Galata (Antilias, 1959), the Library of the Monastery of Armash (Venice, 1962), the Mxit'arist Library of Vienna (Vienna, 1963), the Library of the Monastery of Bzommar(Vienna, 1964), the Grand Catalogue of Manuscripts of St. James Jerusalem (Jerusalem from 1966 on), the Manuscripts of Arakelotz-Tarkmanchatz Convent of Mush (Jerusalem, 1967).

106 K. Kostaneanc' Vimakan Taregir: C'uc'ak zhovacoy arjnagrut'eanc' hayoc' [Annal of Inscriptions: Collection of Armenian Inscriptions ](St. Petersburg, 1913).

107 See the bibliography in Kostaneanc', pp. xxviii-xxxi.

108 Divan Hay Vimagrut'yan [Corpus Inscriptionum Armenicarum] vol. I, H. A. Orbeli, ed (Erevan, 1966); vol II, S. G. Barxudaryan, ed. (Erevan, 1960); vols. III, IV (Erevan, 1967, 1973) under the same editor; vol. VI, S. A .Avagyan and H. Janp'oladyan, ed. (Erevan, 1977).

109 The plentiful Armenian epigraphical material from the 13-14th centuries used in our study was originally found on the interior and exterior walls of the many religious and secular buildings constructed in that period, on mausolea, and on the numerous decorated stone memorials known as xach'k'ars ("stone crosses"). Contents vary [56] greatly. Some inscriptions, such as those on certain xach'k'ars serving as tombstones, are but a few lines. Others on building walls may consist of several lengthy paragraphs. The latter frequently record the name of the donor of the building and geneological information about his or her family, the date the construction commenced and terminated, gifts (including land and money grants) made by the donor, information about political and military events which involved the donor and family members and/or impeded construction, names of the donor's patrons and of prominent secular lords (including Mongol Khans), names of the reigning kat'olikoi and local bishops. In addition, the inscriptions frequently provide the names of taxes and rates paid in a given locality and therefore also are of the utmost importance for the study of Armenia's economic life.

The great significance of this epigraphic material has been appreciated by modern scholars many of whom have made ample use of it in their historical works devoted to the 13-14th centuries. Indeed some monographs on individual feudal families of this period are based almost entirely on inscriptions [For example, G. Ovsepian (Yovsep'ean), Potomstvo Tarsaicha Orbeliana i Mina-Khatuny (The Posterity of Tarsaich Orbeliana and Mina-Khatun) Khristianskii Vostok, t. II (St. Petersburg, 1913); I. A. Orbeli, h'Asan Dzhalal kniaz' Khachenskii (Hasan Jalal Prince of Xach'en) Izvestiia imp. AN (St. Petersburg, 1909); More recently, K. Ghafadaryan, "Historical Observations on the Kyurikyan Princedom of Nor-Berd", Teghekagir #4-5 (1940), pp. 167-80 (in Arm.); H. Kurdian, "The Dsegh Branch of the Mamikoneans", Bazmavep (1956), pp. 155-62, 246-51 (in Arm.)]. Finally, in modern times a number of scholarly studies devoted to the elucidation of certain terms in one particular inscription or group of inscriptions, have produced important results [For example, T'. Avdalbegyan, "A Secret in the Armenian Inseriptions and Its Significance for the Economic History of Armenia in the 13-14th Centuries", Teghekagir #2(1927) pp. 43-76 (in Arm.); S. Barxudaryan, A Few Observations on the Inscriptions of Erevan's Cathedral Church", Teghekagir #5(1947) pp. 69-78 (in Arm.); H.G. Zhamkoch'yan,"On Two 13th Century Inscriptions from the City of Ani", Scientific Works of the University of Erevan 47 (1955) pp. 89-117 (in Arm.)].

110 See below ch. 2 p. 57 n.1.

111 See Appendix A.

112 Vrac' zhamanakagrut'yun (1207-1318) [The Georgian Chronicle], trans. into Armenian with an introduction and notes by P. Muradyan (Erevan, 1971) pp. 11-16. The so-called Old Section of the History of K'art'li is a compilation of 10 historical workes written at diferent times. 0f these, 9 present the history of Georgia from remote antiquity to the 13th century, while only one portion, the Anonymous Chronicle pertains to the 13-14th centuries.

113 The author seems to have had some knowledge of Mongolian, since in several passages he transcribes Mongolian names and entire sentences and then translates them into Georgian [K'art'lis C'xovreba (The History of K'art'li) vol. II S. Qauxchishvili, ed. (Tbilisi, 1959) pp. 177, 268]. P. Muradyan has demonstrated that the author made use--albeit not full use--of the Persian histories of Juvaini and Rashid al-Din, Muradyan, op.cit., pp. 24-26. Whether or not he utilized Armenian sources is debated. In one passage he refers to an account "written by a certain other chronicler" (KC p. 226) concerning the flight of queen Rusudan's son David from Qara-Qorum to Abxazia--an account he finds unacceptable. Perhaps he is referring to the peculiar account found in Step'annos Orbelean's History (SO pp. 151-53). A connection between the Chronicle and Grigor Aknerc'i's History of the Nation of the Archers is also possible. It is lamentable that no corpus of Georgian inscriptions comparable to the Corpus Inscriptionum Armenicarum or even to Kostaneanc''s Annal of Inscriptions [VT] presently exists. Nonetheless, some few Georgian inscriptions relevant to the socio-religious history of 13-14th century Armenia have been published. Among these are the inscription of the Georgian kat'oghikos Epip'an made in 1218/19 when the kat'oghikos was blessing the churches at Ani [first publised by N. Marr, Napis' Epifaniia Katolikosa Gruzii (The Inscriptions of Epifan, Katolikos of Georgia), (St. Petersburg, 1910); Armenian translation of the text in Ararat (1911) pp. 664-66]; inscriptions of the 13-14th century of Pghnjahank' (Axt 'alal village) [P.M. Muradyan, "Vrac'eren arjanagrut'unner Hayastanum: Pghnjahank' (Georgian Inscriptions in Armenia: Pghnjahank ') Lraber #1 1973) pp. 39-57]; and a rare quadrilingual inscription in Georgian, Armenian, Persian and Uighur found at Garesja,Georgia and dated 1352 [L. Melik'set'-Bek, "0n the Rare XIVth Century Quadrilingual Inscription of Aslan's Son, Sargis" Teghekagir #7 (1946)-p~. 31-38 (in Arm.)].

The Georgian text of the History of K'art'li based on three 18th century manuscripts was published in full originally by M. Brosset in 1849, accompanied by a French translation [Histoire de la Georgie, depuis l'antiquite jusqu'au XIX siecle]. The second publication, made by T'aqashvili in 1906 similarly was based on only several mss. [K'art'lis C'xovreba, E. T'aqashvili, ed. (Tbilisi, 1906)]. Finally the critical edition in two volumes based on 11 mss. was produced by S. Qauxchishvili [KC, vols. I and II (Tbilisi, 1955, 1959). None of the mss. predate the 18th century].


Press the Backspace key to return to text of article