1 C. Toumanoff, "The Fifteenth Century Bagratids and the Institution of Collegial Sovereignty in Georgia", Traditio VII (1949-51) pp. 204-5, 210.

2 KG pp. 255-56.

3 SO pp. 149~50: "...Taking [Elikum] as a guide [the Mongol commander Aslan-noyin] went as far as Ani, subduing everyone. He took Vayoc' Jor and Eghegis as far as Ereror village which stands opposite Garhni, and gave it all to Elikum, saying: 'That which was taken by the sword and that which was bought with gold are equally the patrimony of man. Now these districts which I have taken with my sword shall be yours as patrimony and the patrimony of your line. Do you now faithfully look upon us and serve the Great Khan who sent us here'. And Elikum with great heartfelt thanks served them. From that day forth it was confirmed that those [lands] would be the patrimony of the Orbelean tun (House) and line. Now other commanders subordinated other lands and brought out of Kayen fortress, Awag. They took the kingdom of Georgia by force, and absolutely ruled everywhere" (SO pp. 149-50).

4 SO p. 150 suggests that Elikum was murdered by physicians at the command of Awag.

5 S0 p. 151.

6 Toumanoff, Studies, p. 211 n. 238.

7 SO pp. 152-53; KC p. 228; Mur. p. 103.

8 SO p. 157: "They gave him a golden p'ayiza which is a tablet bearing the names of God and of the king, their greatest honor. They also drew up a yarligh which we call sigel--a command--and gave him all that Aslan had taken by the sword and Orotn with its lands...and the fortress of Borotn with its provisions, as the blood--price for the murder of his father Liparit. Furthermore they removed Smbat['s name] from the dawt'ars of the Georgians and others. This was the second confirmation of their patrimony, for the first [time] it was taken by the sword, when [Smbat] was a servant, by the agency of Aslan--noyin; while the second time [it was received] as a gift from the Khan...".

9 SO p. 159: "Isk minch' ays ayspes liner, apa bariateac'n satanay sksaw naxanj arkanel, ew grgrel ztunn Awagin ew zmecamecsn Vrac'. Ew zi Awagn vaxchaneal er i 699 t'uin ew kin nora Gonc'ayn under dustr me Xoshak' anum. Ew ishxer amenayn ishxanut'ean nora. Vasn oroy zhoghovec'an i Tp'ghis arh Arghunn or er vazir ew pasgha (tesuch') kargeal i mec ghanen i veray amenayn ashxarhis, aysink'n hramanatar amenec'un ew ishxec'ogh ark'uni harkac'n ew mec diwanin, or arar ashxarhagir zashxarhs amenayn y703 t'uakanin: Ew bazum kasharhok' xndrein korusanel zSmpat ew och' zharhangec'uc'anel zerkir nora, zor ew och' hamarjaker Arghunn, ayl arhin i Smbatay bazum teghis. Ew zmnac'ealsn keghek'ein sastkapes".

10 SO p. 161.

11 SO p. 165: "Isk Smbatay hayragir leal tann Awagin xorhi end ayl ishxanac'n. Ew tan spananel i covamiji zGonc'ayn, hramanaw Hulawu ghanin. Ew ink'n ishxer amenayn ishxanut'eanc' Awagin. Ew tay zdustr nora zXoshak'n i knut'iwn mec Xojayin sahip diwanin...ew er ays y718 t'uin". KC p. 251; Mur. p. 123: "Now Awag's former wife, the queen Gonc'a, was killed when located among the Tatars, as they say; and it was at the urging of her daughter Xoshak, wife of the sahibdivan khoja Shams-ad Din that she was killed".

12 SO p. 168.

13 KC p. 238; Mur, p. 110: "At that time, Awag was dead, having left no male heir, but only a daughter named Xoshak'. In tears the king went to Bjni. He saw Awag's fair wife, Gonc'a, the daughter of Kaxaberije, duke (erist'av) of Rach. He fell in love with her and after a short while, married her and made her queen. He brought her to his kingdom. As for Awag's daughter, he left her in her patrimonial holdings and entrusted her to Sadun Mahkanaberdeli".

14 KC p. 237; Mur. p. 109-110: "The fact that Gonc'a had become queen was displeasing to the mestumre Jik'uri, since they were enemies. So on the advice of Smbat Orbeli [word] was spread about that Jik'uri had sent someone to Arghun to reveal to Hulegu-Khan the [size of the] king's wealth, and his intention to rebel".

15 SO pp. 168-69: "Then the king called Smbat to Tiflis and wanted to show his gratitude to him through very great gifts. He asked Smbat: 'What great gifts shall I bestow upon you? For whatever in my kingdom you wish, whatever you find agreeable, I shall give you unsparingly'. Smbat arose and prostrated himself: 'Oh king, whatever we have is/was [given by] you and your forbears. This much is enough for us; but there is one thing I request from you'. The king responded: 'I swear that I shall give you whatever you ask for'. Smbat said: 'Then obliterate that wicked memory of us, through which your forbear [king Georgi] slandered my ancestors. For he had written [a document] with curses, such that we not be allowed into our patrimony, and he had it placed in his treasury. Give that [document) to me'. The king was astonished and despised his father for removing from his tun such powerful and capable men. And he ordered his attendants to search for and bring that document (girk': "writing, letter, book"). They went, located it, and quickly brought it. The king took it in his hand and stood up, saying: 'Behold, Smbat, take the document you requested'. Smbat arose, prostrated himself, and replied: 'Oh king, who so forgave the past, show me [yet anotherj kindness. That book was written by a king's hand; it must be destroyed by a king's hand. Order that a fire be kindled before yourself, and throw that book into the flames with your own hand'. At once the king commanded that a fire be struck up. He pulled out his sword, tore out the pages, and threw them into the fire. Whereupon Smbat was exceedingly delighted and thanked him. After this, the king gave him many other magnificent gifts and robes of honor and further distinguished him and sent him home. In this manner did Smbat remove the stigma attached to his ancestors, and left a good reputation for those succeeding [him]".

16 SO p. 166.

17 SO p. 171: "bazum janiw".

18 KC pp. 269-70; Mur. p. 150.

19 KC p. 281; Mur. p. 150.

20 According to the History of K'art'li, the property of atabek Awag, before being entrusted to king Demitre "belonged to the sahip diwan", i.e., to Shams ad-Din Juvaini (KC p. 285; Mur. p. 153). SO pp. 172-73: "Ew er end nora t'agaworn Demetre, zor sireac' Arghunn, ew et nma zamenayn ashxarhs Hayoc' ztunn Awagean ew ztunn Shahanshahean ew Gagec'in ew zordisn Sadun at'abekin...Apa darjaw Demetre mecaw xndut'eamb ew amenayn azatok', ew mecameck' Vrac' ew Hayoc' end nma. Ew ekeal i Sharur gnac' nnma end arhaj Tarsayichn mecamec patuoy, ew ark'unakan encayiwk' mecareac' zt'agaworn. Ew na arheal taraw end iwr zna yerkirn Awagean yAyrarat, ew bazum t'axanjanok' brhnazboseac' zna, ew ed At'abek iveray amenayn terut'ean iwroy minch'ew i Tp'ghis ew yAni ew i Kars. Ew ed i jerhs nora ztghaysn iwr zDawit' ew zManueln snuc'anel znosa ew pahel. Ew yaynmhete under Tarsayichn zat'abekut'iwn ashxarhis Hayoc', ew bazum diwrut'iwn ew oghormut'iwn arhner negheal azgis Hayoc'..."

21 KC p. 285; Mur. p.153.

22 SO pp. 177-78: "...But then his sons commenced arguing over their father's lordships and princedom. They went to the royal court and stood.before the ruler Arghun-Khan and familiarized him with their debate. Arghun called forth the senior son, Elikum, appointed him to his father's place and set him as prince over all. However, although Elikum ruled all of his father's patrimonies and princedom, nonetheless he did not want to deprive his brothers. So he divided the entire inheritance with the advice of the bishops, vardapets and azats. He gave a suitable portion to his brother's son, Liparit... ".

23 VA p. 143; Zak'are and Iwane attempted to forcibly unite the Armenian Monophysite and the Georgian Chalcedonian Churches, unsuccessfully (KG pp. 166-67); the Annals of Bishop Step'annos, MC vol. 1 p. 38). The center of Georgian Chalcedonianism in northern Armenia was the monastery of Pghnjahank', on which see P. M. Muradyan, "Vrac'eren arjanagrut'uunner Hayastanum: Pghnjahank' [ Georgian Inscriptions in Armenia: Pghnjahank']" Lraber #1 (1973) pp. 39-57, as well as the same author's first article, "Georgian Inscriptions in Armenia" describing the inscriptions at Hnevank', Sanahin, and Haghbat, Teghekagir #3 (1966) pp. 30-47.

24 KG p. 222.

25 G. Petrowicz, "Miabanogh eghbayrnere ew Hay ekeghec'in [The Uniators and the Armenian Church]", HA (1969) pp. 361-62.

26 Petrowicz pp. 363-64.

27 As Petrowicz notes, the signatures of those favoring unity, appearing on the protocols of the Council of Adana, indicate support from numerous parts of Armenia: (all bishops) Vardan of Ani, Yovhannes Maranduneanc', Yovhannes of Taron, Markos of Kars, Yakob of Salmast, Grigor of Marash, Nerses of Kamax, Awetik' of Np'rkert, Vardan of Sasun, P'ilippos of Xorhjean, Step'annos of Colonean (HA p. 367).

28 Petrowicz pp. 364-65.

29 ibid. pp. 367-68.

30 ibid. pp. 466-67.

31 Akinean, "Aght'amar", HA (1916) pp. 141-42, (1917/18) p. 34.

32 ibid. (1916) p. 142.

33 ibid. pp. 144-45.

34 ibid. p. 148. Yet another special "center" of the Church was the district of Siwnik' in eastern Armenia, an area traditionally known for its separatist tendencies. The political independence of Siwnik' in this period was paralled by jurisdictional independence in religious matters. Thus the historian Step'annos Orbelean was ordained in Cilicia in 1287/88, "metropolitan of the great see of Siwnik', above all the other bishops here and there, some in Vayoc' Jor and some in Tat'ew" (SO p. 174). To my knowledge, Step'annos was the first cleric in Armenia to be styled metropolitan, a new term perhaps to match Siwnik's unique positon (VT p. 137, also CIA v. II p. 78). In any case the erudite Step'annos appears to have maintained good relations with Sis and with the clerical nobility of Greater Armenia. It is known, for example, that Step'annos was a close friend of kat'oghikos Zak'aria I of Aght'amar (1296-1336) and requested from him a copy of T'ovma Arcruni's History of the Arcrunid House (10th cent.) [TA p. 319]. For the most part, however, relations among the various Armenian Christian groups--as relations among the important secular naxarardoms--were characterized by bitter conflict and rivalry.

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