III. The History of Armenia


The History of Armenia, attributed to P'awstos Buzand, exists in four "books" or dprut'iwnk'. Instead of being numbered books I, II, III, and IV as one would expect, the first book of the extant text is titled Book III ("Beginning") and is followed by books IV, V, and Vl. The word "End" appears in the chapter heading of Book Vl. The late fifth century historian Ghazar P'arpec'i cites a passage from the text of P'awstos which he claims was found in Book II.15; however, in our text this same passage is in Book IV.15 (65). In other words, Ghazar's P'awstos Book I is now Book III (''Beginning''). This curious fact led Stepan Malxasyanc' to speculate that toward the end of the fifth century, after Ghazar P'arpec'i used it, the text of P'awstos Buzand was placed by an editor as the third history in a book of many histories. This would explain why the History opens with Book III, since the first two books were each one-book histories. Then, Malxasyanc' continues, the editor wrote in the words "Beginning" and "End" to inform the reader that this particular section was one complete history in the compilation. The editor's hand also is visible in the History's two forwards; in tables of chapter headings arranged in lists preceding each book; in the chapter headings themselves; and in a statement at the end of Book Ill claiming that the work was written in the fourth century by "the great historian P'awstos Buzand". Furthermore, Malxasyanc' notes that the fifth century editor employed the first person singular while the fourth century P'awstos Buzand used the plural when referring to himself (66).

Controversy also exists over the author's identity, and over where, in what language, and when this history was written (67). The question of the dating of this work is of direct concern. Malxasyanc' compiled certain facts which seem to place the author (P'awstos) in the fifth century. First, P'awstos is familiar with the name of only one Byzantine emperor (Valens) for almost the entire span of his History i.e., 319-384, when in fact during this period emperors Constantine, Constantius, Julian, lovian, Valens, Gratian, amd Theodosius the Great ruled. Since Armenia was in frequent contact with Byzantium during that time, Malxasyanc ' argues, a fourth century writer naturally would know the emperors' names. P'awstos, living in the fifth century, had only a vague recollection of fourth century emperors and so styled them all Valens. Again, P'awstos contends that the Armenian king Arshak (350-367) ruled during the time of the Iranian king Nerseh (293-302) and the Byzantine emperor Valens (364-378), when in fact these last two autocrats were not even contemporaries. Another important proof of the History's fifth century date is its source material, which includes the Armenian translation of the Bible (430's) and Koriwn's biography of Mashtoc'. Finally, in Catholicos Nerses the Great's curse of the Armenian Arsacids which appears in IV. 15, Nerses seems to prophesy the end of the Arsacid kingdom (68).

P'awstos lacks chronology in the strict sense: he does not mention in which king's regnal year an event occurred or how long each king reigned. However, he does know the correct sequence of Armenian kings from Xosrov II Kotak (330-339) to Varazdat (374-378) and mentions each one by name. Despite numerous problems associated with the text, P'awstos' information still has the greatest value; although he lacks numerical chronology, the thematic unity on occasion substitutes, nonetheless, for an absolute chronology (69).

As a historian of the Mamikoneam naxarar house, P'awstos' desire is to portray the Mamikoneans as the defenders par excellence of Armenia. To P'awstos, the Mamikoneans are not merely the only legitimate military defenders of the country, but also the loyal defenders of the Arsacid family, defenders of the Church, and defenders of naxarar rights (70). The contradiction which arises from the fact that P'awstos simultaneously has made the Mamikoneans defenders of the kings and of the naxarars--two usually inimical groups--appears to have been resolved by the author by a second assumption that the Mamikoneans are in fact the equals of the Arsacids.

P'awstos' first assumption--that the Mamikoneans are the only legitimate military defenders of Armenia--is developed in several ways. The family's legal right to the sparapetut'iwn is stressed throughout. Thus the small child Artawazd succeeded his father Vach'e as sparapet even though he clearly was too young to fulfill the obligations of the office. Two generals, Andok Siwnik' and Arsawir Kamsarakan, looked after the military affairs of the country during Artawazd's minority, and P'awstos notes that these naxarars were relatives of the Mamikoneans through marriage, as if to explain how they came to be entrusted with such responsibility (71). Mushegh became sparapet immediately upon the execution of his father Vasak by the Iranian king (72); Artasir inherited the sparapetut'iwn from his aiIing father Manuel (73) and this automatic succession is presented as normal procedure.

When the Armenian army is under its legal Mamikonean sparapets, it is invincible. Only when the army is led by non-Mamikoneans can foreigners overrun Armenia. This happened when King Xosrov (330-339) appointed Databa Bznuni to ward off an Iranian invasion. Databa deserted to the enemy and almost destroyed the Armenian army (74). When the Mamikoneans angrily withdrew from court affairs under Xosrov's successor, Tiran (339-350), (75) the country was invaded once more by the Iranians and the king himself was blinded and taken captive. The king and the country were vulnerable since there was no one (Mamikonean) to protect them (76).

Not only do the Mamikoneans protect the country from external enemies such as Iranians or Mask'ut nomads (77), but as the loyal defenders of their land's bnik ters, the Mamikoneans fight against domestic enemies. Vach'e, sparapet of Xosrov, was in charge of exterminating the rebellious Manawazean and Orduni clans (78) and he later exterminated the Bznunis as well (79). During the reign of Pap (368-374), sparapet Mushegh Mamikonean massacred the clans of the bdesxsh of Aghjnik' and Gugark' who had rebelled against the authority of the king, and in Iberia he ordered the crucifixion of the P'arawazean clan (80). Sparapet Vasak even killed his own Iranian cousin, Dehkan, in defense of Armenia and King Arshak (350-368) (81).

The Mamikoneans' loyalty to the crown is expressed too in the family's role as protectors of the royal line: Vasak's son Mushegh travelled to the Byzantine empire to install Pap, Arshak's legitimate heir, who was residing on Byzantine territory, as King of Armenia (82). Manuel Mamikonean was so devoted to the royal family (or so P'awstos implies) that, like a wise father, he raised the two sons of Pap's son Varazdat (374-378)-- a king he had expelled from the country after a dramatic battle (83). In this clash Manuel prevented his own sons from killing the fleeing Varazdat, just as earlier Mushegh, accused of disloyalty before Pap, had explained his refusal to kill the Albanian king Urnayr:

I killed all of my peers [enkerk'] while those wearing crowns were not my peers, but yours. Come, just as I killed my peers do you kill yours. For I have not, do not, nor shall I put forth my hand against a royal man who wears a crown. If you wish to kill me, do that but whenever a royal man falls into my clutches as has happened many times, I will not kill him. I will not kill the wearer of a crown even if I am killed (84)

The loyalty of the Mamikoneans is so profound that it acquires a supernatural quality. After the Iranian army had scattered the bones of the Armenian Arsacid kings, desecrating the graves in the royal mausoleum at Ani of Daranalik', sparapet Vasak Mamikonean retrieved these bones and buried them, caring for the memory of deceased kings and providing for the rest of their souls (85). Supernatural loyalty is also apparent in P'awstos' narration of the fate of the executed Vasak's straw-filled corpse. The sixth century Byzantine author Procopius who claims to have used a "History of Armenia" says that Shapuhr [Pacurius] flayed Vasak [Bassicius] and, making a bag of his skin, filled it with chaff and suspended it from a lofty tree (86). P'awstos preserves the same fate for Vasak but claims that Vasak's body was sent to Anhush fortress where King Arshak was imprisoned, as if to say that even in death this sparapet, and by implication all the Mamikonean sparapets, are loyal and near to their bnik ters--the Arsacid kings of Armenia (87).

As defenders of the Church, the Mamikoneans are depicted as loyal Athanasian Christians and supporters of Armenia's legitimate Gregorian line of Catholicoi (88). In addition to defending the Church zealously, the Mamikoneans are the holy warriors of Armenia. During an Athanasian period in Arshak's confusing reign, for example, sparapet Vasak was ordered to ravage Byzantine lands for six years to avenge the Byzantine arrest of Nerses (89). Later this same Vasak defeated hosts of Iranian soldiers and an army of Armenian apostates (90). As a prelude to the return of Nerses to court, Samuel Mamikonean murdered his apostate father Vahan and his royal Iranian mother (91). By destroying Zoroastrian temples and rebuilding churches, Mushegh continued this process of restoring the work of Nerses and undoing the damage caused by the pro-franian Vahan (92).

Naturally P'awstos would like his readers to believe that some of the early sparapets such as Vach'e were not mere mortals, but the agents of God through whom Armenia enjoyed many victories (93). However, it is in the personality of the later Mushegh that P'awstos' fanatical proMamikonean bias and his religious worldview are fused the best. For Mushegh has much in common with Christ. He is the savior of his people, condemned for his compassion. Betrayed at a banquet reminiscent of the Last Supper, he is attacked and killed by all twelve "apostles," six on one side and six on the other (94). P'awstos adds that the people expected Mushegh's resurrection (95).

The other assumption made by P'awstos--that the Mamikoneans are the equals of the Arsacids--is expressed by direct assertion and by the implications of certain details. The first actual expression of this equality appears in a dubious passage in V. 4 where King Pap himself sald:

Worthy of death are those who dare to speak ill of Mushegh, a brave and honorable man. For [he is] a man who by family [azg] is as honorable as we, his ancestors as our ancestors His ancestors left the kingship of the Iand of Chenk' and came to our ancestors and they lived and died for us. His father, trustworthy until death, died for my father...

A second claim of equality between the Mamikoneans and the Arsacids was advanced by Manuel during his battle with king Varazdat (ca. 378) which resulted in the latter's expulsion from the country. Manuel denounced Varazdat for appointing to the sparapetut'iwn a non-Mamikonean, Bat Saharuni, and added:

You are not an Arsacid, but a bastard. Therefore you do not recognize those who work for the Arsacids. We are not your servants [carayk'] but your peers [enkerk'] and we are above you. For our ancestors were kings of the land of Chenk'. Because of a quarrel among brothers, to prevent great bloodshed we left [that land]. And to find rest we stopped here [in Armenia]. The first Arsacid kings knew who we were and where we came from. But you, since you are not an Arsacid, begone from this country and do not perish at my hands.(96)

The claim of equality with and fitness for the crown is stressed likewise in the details. The imperial claim even transends the boundaries of Armenia, since the Mamikoneans are equal or superior to kings anywhere. For example, Arshak's ill-fated sparapet Vasak boasted to the Iranian king that he stood on two mountains (the Iranian and Byzantine kings) and that he brought either one to the ground by pushing down with his right or left leg (97). According to P'awstos, Vasak's brother (the apostate Vahan) was married to the imperial Iranian Ormizduxt (sister of the Iranian king) (98). A portrait of Pap's sparapet Mushegh appeared on the drinking goblet of the Iranian king who even toasted the health of his noble enemy (99).

Manuel Mamikonean, who expelled king Varazdat, is in fact a king. He raised Varazdat's children, and together with queen Zarmanduxt made all the important decisions in the country (100). He sanctioned the return of land to naxarars Babik, Sam, and Vaghinak Siwnik', and appointed ters and nahapets "in every district"-- a traditional prerogative of the monarch (101). Manuel also married his daughter Vardanduxt to the young Arshak (son of Varazdat) whom he made king (102). Most significant of all is P'awstos' statement about the gifts sent by the Iranian king to the crown princes Arshak and Vagharshak as well as to the sparapet Manuel:

The king gave to sparapet Manuel a royal robe, a sable, a patiw for his head wilh a crest of gold and silver On top of this headdress was [the figure of] an eagle and the crown was fastened with an ashxarawand clasp. On his breast he wore a brooch of honor. [Such things he was given] which by law only kings have: a tent of red leather and on it an eagle's design, great hangings, and sky-blue parasols (103).

Footnotes 65-103



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